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Russian President Vladimir Putin visits an exhibition at the Harbin Institute of Technology in Harbin as part of a 2024 state visit to China.
Russian President Vladimir Putin visits an exhibition at the Harbin Institute of Technology in Harbin as part of a 2024 state visit to China.

New research shared with RFE/RL shows that leading Chinese universities linked to the country’s defense sector have significantly increased their research partnerships with Russian institutions, providing Moscow with access to new technology and expertise that can help counteract Western sanctions applied since the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

The preliminary findings compiled by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) think tank and cross-referenced by RFE/RL show that all 68 Chinese universities officially described as parts of the country’s defense system or supervised by a defense agency have “deepened or dramatically deepened” their research ties with Russia since 2019.

This growing collaboration could give Moscow enhanced access to strategic technologies with military applications where China is a global powerhouse, while granting Beijing access to research and development in key sectors like aircraft engine production where Russia remains advanced, the research project’s lead author said.

“These are all universities tied to defense or the critical and dual-use technology ecosystem in China,” Bethany Allen, the head of China investigations at ASPI, told RFE/RL. “This could indirectly aid Russia’s war in Ukraine by providing access to innovations and know-how that help offset Western sanctions and export controls.”

Beijing and Moscow’s deepening cooperation through higher education marks another strategic area where their ties have expanded under Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping, which have grown even deeper since February 2022 when the two men declared a “no limits” partnership ahead of Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

While cooperation between Chinese and Russian institutions existed before then and is not limited to sectors with defense applications, research cooperation in this area has accelerated against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine, with ASPI’s preliminary data pointing to growing research partnerships concentrated around aeronautics and drone technology between both countries’ leading research bodies.

This comes as Western governments aim to limit academic collaboration with both countries and cut them off from access to strategic research.

“Russia finds itself cut off from Western scientific research to some extent after the invasion of Ukraine and Chinese research institutes are also facing new restrictions, particularly from the United States,” Allen said. “Against that pressure, they’ve decided it makes sense to cross-pollinate.”

A Focus On Drones and Advanced Engines

The research is part of an ongoing project launched in September by ASPI that tracks links between China’s civilian universities and the country’s military and security agencies, and the think tank shared its early findings about links between Chinese and Russian institutions with RFE/RL from the yet-to-be-finalized report.

China has prioritized building links between its civilian universities and the country’s military and security agencies.

The country has historically trained its defense scientists through a group of seven leading universities known as the “Seven Sons of National Defense,” but China’s ecosystem has grown in recent years with an additional 61 universities now officially described as parts of its defense network or supervised by the State Administration of Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defense, China’s defense industry agency.

It is universities from this pool that are partnering with Russian research institutions.

One notable partnership identified by ASPI is between the Moscow Aviation Institute (MAI) and Beihang University, which established a joint Master’s program in 2017. Beihang’s Aero-Engine Research Institute says that the program’s goal is to help the aircraft engine sector in China enter a “critical stage of transformation” from “testing and imitating research and development” to “independent development.”

This collaboration comes with clear benefits for both parties and dual-use applications, from the battlefield in Ukraine to monopolies over future critical technologies.

Beihang is one of the “Seven Sons” and is ranked as China’s top university for aerospace research, with a particular focus on drone production, drone swarming technology, and advanced aircraft engine research.

The United States is currently considered the world leader in advanced aircraft engine research, but China has clear aspirations to claim top spot. China is now responsible for a large portion of leading research in the field and has founded a number of new institutes focused on their advancement.

MAI is one of Russia’s top aerospace institutes and has spearheaded advanced research on aircraft engines. As Russian arms sales to Beijing have decreased in recent years due China’s increasing military self-sufficiency, aircraft engines have remained a steady import, even throughout the war in Ukraine.

“China has struggled to produce the most advanced aircraft engines, so this is an area where Russia can help,” Allen said.

Notable Examples Of China-Russia Research Programs

Xi’an Technological University is another “Seven Sons” university that forged new partnerships with Russia.

The school focuses on research for advanced weapons systems in conjunction with several Chinese weapons companies and set up a joint training program in 2023 with the Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University, which has some of Russia’s most advanced hydro-aerodynamics labs as well as close ties with Russia’s military-industrial complex.

The Russian university is heavily involved in the Kremlin’s war effort and its leadership has publicly supported the invasion of Ukraine. Its Special Technology Center is currently under US and EU sanctions and it developed the Orlan-10 UAV, one of the main drones used in Russian strikes on Ukraine’s critical infrastructure.

Another key center for China-Russia research is the Harbin Institute of Technology (HIT), one of China’s most important military research universities, which was sanctioned by the US government in 2020 for its alleged role in procuring items for Beijing's military.

While the institute has been home to exchanges and joint research between China and Russia for more than a century, it has expanded its connection with Russian universities in recent years.

HIT and the Bauman Moscow State Technical University created the Association of Sino-Russian Technical Universities in 2011 and since then it has expanded into a joint institute that houses 59 undergraduate students who study in both Russia and China.

HIT is also training more than 1,500 Chinese and Russian students at a new science education center created with St Petersburg State University. The Chinese university also signed a strategic cooperation agreement with the Skolkovo Institute of Science and Technology and the Russian Academy of Engineering in 2024, among a long list of growing agreements with Russian institutes.

Those deep links led Putin to visit HIT in 2024 as part of a state visit to China where he said the institution was “inseparably connected with Russia.”

Chinese President Xi Jinpin (left) and Russian President Vladimir Putin as they review an honor guard during a visit to Beijing by the Russian leader last year. (file photo)
Chinese President Xi Jinpin (left) and Russian President Vladimir Putin as they review an honor guard during a visit to Beijing by the Russian leader last year. (file photo)

Chinese leader Xi Jinping is holding a massive military parade to mark 80 years since the end of World War II, but the event is not only about the past, it's part of a broader push to reshape its future role on the global political stage.

At the September 3 parade, Xi is expected to be flanked by Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and more than 24 other heads of state and government ranging from Belarus to Iran.

Once in motion, the parade is seen as a display of military and diplomatic strength by Beijing to showcase its latest military hardware and flaunt its status as a global leader capable of rivaling the United States.

But analysts say that China also sees the Victory Day parade as part of a more long-term goal to amplify its role in World War II and recast itself as the guardian of the post war international order.

"China is trying to use the parade to promote its version of history and how that aligns with the type of world it wants to create today where it's a leading power," Scott Kennedy, a longtime China expert who is a senior adviser and trustee chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) think tank in Washington, told RFE/RL.

Central to that Chinese narrative around World War II -- which the country marks as ending with imperial Japan's surrender in 1945 -- is reinforcing Beijing's sovereignty claims over Taiwan, the self-governing island whose complicated international status is wrapped up in a series of post-war treaties and a grueling civil war that saw China's communists emerge victorious over the nationalist forces, who fled to Taiwan in 1949. Beijing has since vowed to unify with the island and has not ruled out the use of force to do so.

"China's military aims are primarily regional, with dominating the Asia-Pacific and controlling Taiwan at the top," said Kennedy. "China is looking to have an audience of world leaders at the parade to validate these foreign policy goals."

'To Have A Future, Russia And China Need To Have A Past'

A key partner in that pursuit for Beijing is Putin, who has already challenged the international system with Russia's invasion of Georgia in 2008, forceful annexation of Crimea in 2014, and full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Putin has been in China since August 31, when he arrived for another choreographed diplomatic display, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit, which wrapped up this week. At the summit, Beijing also convened an array of leading non-Western leaders to endorse its reinterpretation of the global order as it looked to contrast its emphasis on multilateralism with the more transactional foreign policy coming from the United States.

Speaking to world leaders at the summit in northern China, Xi called on countries to promote what he deemed the "correct" perspective of World War II and to support multilateralism.

"China and the Soviet Union were the principal theatres of that war in Asia and Europe respectively," Xi wrote in May ahead of a visit to Moscow where he watched Russia's own Victory Day parade marking the defeat of Nazi Germany.

"The two countries served as the mainstay of resistance against Japanese militarism and German Nazism, making pivotal contributions to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War," Xi said.

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Together with Russia, China is looking to play down the US contribution -- and frame itself as the central force of resistance against Japan. China dates its "war of resistance against Japanese aggression" to 1931 –- a decade before the United States entered the fighting.

"It's a major reframing of world history to position Russia and China as the two forces against fascism," Claus Soong, an analyst at the Berlin-based think tank MERICS, told RFE/RL. "To have a future, Russia and China need to have a past."

The EU Keeps Its Distance From Xi's Military Parade

The presence of Putin at the parade, as well as its focus on Japan –- a key Western ally – has led European envoys in Beijing to downscale their participation and attendance at the high-profile event, with European Union diplomats telling RFE/RL that no officials will attend the parade.

"We are boycotting the parade because Russia is participating, but not the events around it," a senior EU diplomat, who requested anonymity to speak freely to the media, told RFE/RL.

In addition to the complications around Japan and Putin's attendance, EU officials have also voiced criticism over Beijing's support for Russia's war against Ukraine, where China has helped Moscow's war effort with a steady flow of militarily useful dual-use goods.

No Western leaders will be among the foreign heads of state and government attending the parade with the exception of Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico. Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, whose country has applied to join the EU, will also attend the event.

"It's good that this is happening all out in the open, no one can say that China is somehow closer to us," another EU diplomat told RFE/RL.

"It's sad that Serbia, an EU candidate country, is there, but again, not a surprise. They say one thing about EU alignment, but do another," the diplomat continued.

What Is China's Narrative Around Taiwan And World War II?

In Xi's last World War II anniversary speech in 2015, which was also marked with a parade, he did not mention Taiwan as it came at a time of improving relations between Beijing and Taipei.

But Taiwan is expected to be a central pillar of Xi's speech this year. Since 2015, Beijing has become more aggressive toward Taiwan, and its propaganda has routinely sought to frame Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te as a dangerous separatist.

Taiwan's status continues to complicate the narrative that Xi is looking to recast around World War II.

While communist forces fought against Japan's full-scale invasion of China, a lot of the fighting was done by the troops from the nationalist government, known as the Republic of China, who later fled to Taiwan after losing the civil war.

The government of the Republic of China, the official name still used by Taiwan, led the post-war negotiations. It was also the Republic of China that signed the peace agreement as one of the allied nations and was still in power in 1945 when Taiwan was handed over after decades of Japanese rule.

The Chinese Communist Party-run People's Republic of China wasn't founded until 1949 and has not controlled the island of Taiwan.

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Still, Beijing says the World War II victory belongs to all Chinese people, including those in Taiwan, and interprets the peace agreements as leading to Taiwan being "returned" to Chinese rule.

But as Soong says, the parade and Xi's efforts to change the narrative of the war are mainly aimed at a domestic audience and at countries in the Global South.

"The Chinese Communist Party is trying to create a common bond," he said. "We'll see during Xi's speech how China is trying to shape history."

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About The Newsletter

In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

Subscribe to this weekly dispatch in which correspondent Reid Standish builds on the local reporting from RFE/RL’s journalists across Eurasia to give you unique insights into Beijing’s ambitions and challenges.

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