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NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte addresses a press conference at The Hague on June 23, a day ahead of the alliance's summit.
NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte addresses a press conference at The Hague on June 23, a day ahead of the alliance's summit.

Welcome to Wider Europe, RFE/RL's newsletter focusing on the key issues concerning the European Union, NATO, and other institutions and their relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe's Eastern neighborhoods.

I'm RFE/RL Europe Editor Rikard Jozwiak, and this week I am drilling down on two big gatherings: The NATO summit in the Hague, followed by the EU summit in Brussels a day later.

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Briefing #1: All You Need To Know Ahead Of The NATO Summit

What You Need To Know: NATO leaders will gather in The Hague on June 24–25 with one key question looming: Can they agree on a hefty new defense spending target of 5 percent of GDP? The spotlight, however, will be firmly on US President Donald Trump.

Ahead of the Hague meeting, speculation had been mounting that he may skip the summit altogether, although the White House eventually confirmed he will be present.

The summit has essentially been designed to please the American leader and avoid any sign of disharmony in the club. Lingering fears remain of a repeat of the infamous 2018 NATO summit in Brussels, when Trump -- then in his first term -- threatened to pull the United States out of the alliance unless European countries and Canada significantly increased their defense outlays.

Since then, most allies have ramped up spending, with most now reaching the 2 percent target agreed in Wales in 2014, driven by a mix of American pressure and the war in Ukraine.

What was supposed to be a three-day-meeting in the Netherlands has now been reduced to a social dinner with spouses hosted by the Dutch king at one of the city's royal palaces on June 24, followed by a working session of the North Atlantic Council (NAC) the following day -- a meeting not even expected to last three hours. And that's it.

Deep Background: It is at the NAC session that leaders will agree on the so-called Hague Declaration. The document hasn't been finally approved yet, but earlier drafts RFE/RL has seen indicate it will be a short one.

While previous summit texts stretched several pages, touching upon all sorts of policy items, this one may only have as few as five paragraphs. Last year, it was 38 paragraphs with an additional six-point annex outlining security assistance for Ukraine. The key issue is the 5 percent defense spending target and when it should be reached.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has already sent a letter to NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte ahead of the meeting saying the target is unreasonable and asking for an exemption for Madrid. Just before the summit, Spain was given some flexibility by Rutte to reach the target.

The 5 percent target proposed by Rutte includes 3.5 percent for "hard" military spending on capabilities such as missiles, helicopters, and fighter jets. The other 1.5 percent has been earmarked for "resilience" -- a deliberately vague term for most member states as this spending can include pretty much anything.

Most are likely to spend it on infrastructure, however, to improve military mobility. And they may also include contributions to Kyiv here, with the draft document noting that "allies reaffirm their commitment to provide support to Ukraine and, to this end, will include direct contributions toward Ukraine's defense and its defense industry when calculating Allies' defense spending."

Drilling Down

  • Disagreements also remain over the deadline for reaching the 5 percent target. Apart from the United States, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland, few are happy with 2032 as the target date, simply because they think it is impossible to meet this deadline.
  • It now looks like 2035 will be the target instead. In any event, the declaration will include a reference to a review of the target in 2029.
  • It has not been lost on NATO officials that this date comes a year after the next US presidential elections, even though they have been quick to insist that this is simply the halfway mark between now and 2032.
  • To the relief of European allies, NATO's mutual defense clause -- Article 5 -- is referenced in the draft declaration amid persistent fears that Washington wasn't truly committed to coming to the aid of the other 31 allies if they were attacked. Russia is also mentioned in the text as a "long-term threat" to Euro-Atlantic security.
  • The document will also reference transatlantic industrial cooperation, a nod to Washington's interest in ensuring US companies also benefit from a European defense splurge.
  • Furthermore, it reveals next year's summit will be in Turkey followed by a meeting in Albania. Turkey has long sought to host a NATO summit, but several alliance members have for years been reluctant due to the ongoing crackdown on the Turkish opposition. Now, with Ankara's growing geopolitical clout, from the Middle East to Ukraine, that ambition will finally be realized in 2026.
  • Another major uncertainty is how prominently Ukraine will feature at the upcoming summit. Kyiv's NATO membership aspirations were headline topics at the Vilnius summit in 2023 and again in Washington a year later, but talk about this has died down since Trump publicly dismissed the country's chances of joining.
  • There is no mention of Ukraine's potential membership in the draft Hague texts, with some NATO diplomats telling RFE/RL under condition of anonymity they believe omitting any mention is better than including a watered-down version of the language from the Vilnius and Washington communiques, which at least promised future membership.
  • With no formal NATO-Ukraine Council slated for the summit at the leaders' level, NATO foreign ministers will instead have something of a compensatory dinner on June 24 in the presence of their Ukrainian counterpart, Andriy Sybiha.
  • Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will also be in The Hague to attend the leaders' social dinner, an event that NATO's Indo-Pacific partners -- Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea -- are also due to attend.
  • Zelenskyy may also take part in some sidebar events at the summit, such as the NATO defense industry forum. There may also be a "mini summit" on Ukraine with Rutte and other European leaders after the formal NATO meeting is over.


Briefing #2: And The EU summit In Brussels

What You Need To Know: A day after the NATO summit in The Hague ends, EU leaders will take the short journey south to Brussels for their regular summer European Council. Kicking off on the morning of June 26, this summit may continue into the next day as there are plenty of items on the agenda -- most notably Iran, where the EU is struggling to stay relevant. According to the Brussels diplomats I have spoken with, however, the bloc still aims to act as a conduit for potential direct talks between the United States and Tehran.

That said, there are also several key political decisions on the table -- especially concerning Ukraine. When Poland took over the six-month rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union with much pomp and circumstance at the start of the year, the stated goal was that formal EU accession talks would start with Ukraine and Moldova during the first six months of 2025. Polish diplomats had even confidently voiced hopes that more than one of the six negotiating clusters would be opened during their chairmanship. It's fair to say that things have not panned out as expected.

Deep Background: Unanimity is needed for every cluster to be opened, and Hungary has persistently blocked any move to this effect, even conducting a widely criticized consultative referendum on Ukrainian EU membership.

This summit is something of a "last chance saloon" to unblock the situation, but few diplomats believe Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban will give it much thought. Some think that maybe things will get moving on this issue after the summit in July when Denmark takes over the presidency.

However, since this has increasingly become a domestic political issue in Hungary, most believe Budapest will continue vetoing progress until the country's parliamentary elections in April 2026.

As regards Ukraine and Moldova, the draft summit declaration seen by RFE/RL states that "the European Council looks forward to the next steps in the accession process in line with the merit-based approach, with clusters being opened when the conditions are met."

The key question now is whether Ukraine and Moldova should be separated in the accession process, as none of the 27 EU member states appears opposed to allowing Chisinau to proceed. Several member states, however, are reluctant to green-light this "decoupling" as they don't want to "succumb to Hungarian blackmail," as they put it, and believe the pair should continue together on the road to membership.

On the other hand, the EU also wants to give Moldova a carrot, with thefirst-ever EU-Moldova summit in early July and what are expected to be tightly fought parliamentary elections in September.

Drilling Down

  • The most likely scenario, however, is that all preparatory work on the accession talks will continue in the hope that every cluster can be opened once there is approval from everyone.
  • For now, the most likely candidate to show concrete progress at the end of June is Montenegro, which is expected to close a cluster of chapters on June 27.
  • So much for the "EU enlargement momentum" that eurocrats have so often keenly propagated in previous years. If there is one area where Hungary -- and increasingly Slovakia -- may be more willing to move forward, it's sanctions against Russia.
  • There are two decisions to be taken on sanctions: the newly proposed 18th round of restrictive measures and the six-month rollover of all sanctions imposed on the Kremlin since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine nearly three years ago.
  • Several European diplomats have indicated there might be something of a quid pro quo during the summit, whereby both sanctions decisions will be adopted, but it will be generally accepted that Ukraine cannot move forward on the accession path for now.
  • For most officials, the most important thing is to get an extension of all the previous sanctions.
  • This includes all frozen Russian assets in the bloc, totaling over 200 billion euro ($230 billion).
  • Hungary was toying with the idea of not a giving thumbs-up to the prolongation last time around in January, but officials think it won't be too dramatic this time, with Russia's increased attacks on Ukrainian civilian targets making any calls for potential peace talks moot.
  • The fact that the actual deadline for the extension isn't till the end of July means most people RFE/RL has spoken are confident that something can be worked out.
  • For the 18th sanctions package, most things have been agreed on a diplomatic level already.
  • This is not too surprising, as most of the blacklistings and proposals -- such as de-SWIFTing Russian banks and sanctioning Nord Stream 1 and 2 -- have been relatively uncontroversial.
  • Quick approval is also more likely now that the headline proposal to lower the Russian oil price cap from $60 to $45 per barrel appears unlikely to gain traction.
  • The United States didn't get onboard with this idea at the recent Group of Seven summit, and few believe that the EU -- even with potential political support from allies such as Britain and Canada -- is willing or able to lower the cap without Washington.


Looking Ahead

On June 25, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will be in Strasbourg to sign the final document establishing a new tribunal investigating the Russian crimes of aggression against Ukraine. The new court has been in the works ever since the full-scale invasion of the country over three years and will now be one step closer to realization.

That's all for this week!

Feel free to reach out to me on any of these issues on X @RikardJozwiak, or on e-mail at jozwiakr@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Rikard Jozwiak

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition subscribe here.

Czech President Petr Pavel urged Europe not to “decouple from our American ally" at the Globsec conference in Prague last week.
Czech President Petr Pavel urged Europe not to “decouple from our American ally" at the Globsec conference in Prague last week.

Welcome to Wider Europe, RFE/RL's newsletter focusing on the key issues concerning the European Union, NATO, and other institutions and their relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe's Eastern neighborhoods.

I'm RFE/RL Europe Editor Rikard Jozwiak, and this week I am drilling down on two issues: Globsec’s big forum in Prague last week and the upcoming EU-Moldova summit.

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Briefing #1: Globsec Forum Shows That Europe Isn’t Ready To Pull Its Weight

What You Need To Know: For three days last week I covered the 20th edition of the Globsec forum in Prague -- arguably the biggest think tank event in Central Europe -- where policy analysts, diplomats and politicians come together to discuss the latest trends and issues in global politics.

This year's theme was Commanding (In) Chaos: Time For Europe To Step Up, and it became abundantly clear from most conversations in the Czech capital that Europe simply isn’t capable of that anytime soon -- pretty much anywhere.

During the forum, news broke that Israel had launched massive missile attacks on Iran, targeting its nuclear program and killing several of Tehran’s top military commanders and nuclear scientists.

With Iran striking back and threatening to hit other targets, including American ones, most speakers in Prague were caught off guard by the speed of events and only expressed hopes that the situation wouldn’t escalate further.

It was, however, clear that Europe would have no role -– most obviously and bluntly outlined by the Czech national-security adviser Tomas Pojar.

"Can the European Union now contribute realistically to escalation or de-escalation besides saying the right things?" he asked. "No, we cannot contribute. This is the reality, we are not a player, and we will not be a player."

Deep Background: Pojar also remarked that “diplomacy is fine but if it’s not backed by economy and by army, it’s useless especially at a time of war and turbulence.”

This was in the context of the Middle East but it also rang true for the EU’s influence elsewhere as well -- even in its immediate neighborhood, such as Ukraine where the bloc’s member states are still locked out of any cease-fire or peace talks.

They are also struggling to come up with anything concrete in terms of a future military presence in Ukraine and continue look to the United States to provide security for the continent.

While participants at Globsec both privately and publicly questioned the chances of success for the administration of US President Donald Trump in dealing with Russian President Vladimir Putin, few seemed to like the idea of Europe without any type of US backing.

And in recent months it appears as if most have been sufficiently convinced by the United States that it is indeed committed to NATO's mutual defense –- something that will be repeated when its 32 allies meet at the alliance's summit in The Hague next week.

NATO's director of nuclear policy, Jim Stokes, also affirmed that the “US has been extremely clear about its commitment to the nuclear deterrence in Europe.”

But fears remain going forward.

Opening the entire conference, Czech President Petr Pavel admitted that Washington had “unsettled” relations but urged Europe not to “decouple from our American ally” and added that Europe “alone has the power to push Putin to the [negotiating] table.”

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha agreed that Trump is “essential” for achieving peace and indicated a willingness to end the war as early as this year.

He also expressed hope that stronger economic sanctions on Russia would do the trick, pushing for the price cap on Russian oil to be lowered from the current $60 per barrel down to $30.

However, with war breaking out in the Middle East and oil prices rising sharply, serious doubts remain that the oil cap will come down at all.

Drilling Down

  • Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine began more than three years ago, the West has been providing support but not nearly enough to swing the balance in Kyiv’s favor. The words of President Volodymyr Zelenskiy sounded very ominous when he told conference participants via video that, “if Ukraine fails, Putin will go further.” But no one was really quite sure how much time the rest of Europe had to prepare for that eventuality.
  • Danish Europe Minister Marie Bjerre said that “our goal must be that Europe can defend itself by 2030,” whereas the Estonian Defense Minister Hanno Pevkur underlined that he wants to “be ready in 3-5 days for Estonia to defend NATO”.
  • It appears that the continent is barely ready -– at least for now. The European Commissioner for defense, Andrius Kubilius, said that Europe currently stands at 53 percent of what it is estimated to need in terms of defense capabilities.
  • Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Philip Breedlove summed up Europe's lack of investment in defense by asking: “How do we overcome 30 years of procurement holiday when we have tried to hug the [Russian] bear for 30 years?”
  • But, even if Europe will spend more and at least appear to be on the right track, it was obvious from the debates that the continent’s “awkward squad” -- as an anonymous official called Hungary and Slovakia-- will shatter the consensus even on basic things.
  • Balasz Orban, the political director of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban (no relation), made it clear that “strengthening Europe does not equal strengthening Ukraine. Ukraine will not be a NATO country.”
  • And there might be soon be more governments in Europe that will make things more difficult. With Andrej Babis’s populist ANO party expected to win Czech parliamentary elections later this fall, one of his closest allies, Karel Havlicek, also offered hints of a less consensual approach coming from Prague.
  • While praising the alliance, he said that he doesn’t “agree that Russia is an immediate danger to NATO.” He also appeared to shoot down a push by its Secretary-General Mark Rutte to get alliance members to spend 5 percent of GDP on defense and military-related investment in the next seven years by arguing that “defense spending should not be about percentages, but about efficiency and transparency.”
  • The most gripping speech at the gathering came not from a politician or a diplomat. On the final day, Vlad Zadorin -- a former Ukrainian marine officer who spent 679 days in Russian captivity -- told a stunned audience about the horrors he endured.
  • With quiet composure, he explained how hunger was the worst part of his incarceration. "I used to be a burly marine who weighed 120 kilos," he said. "After my release, I weighed 60. I learned to eat household soap, snails, and worms."


Briefing #2: EU Plans Historic Moldova Summit But Stays Vague On Accession Timeline

What You Need To Know: In a historic first, the European Union will hold a summit with Moldova in Chisinau on July 4, a move signaling deeper political ties.

A draft of the summit declaration, seen by RFE/RL, says such meetings will become a regular feature of EU-Moldova relations.

On the other hand, the document is vague about the speed of the country’s EU accession process. It also urges Chisinau to do more about fighting corruption but curiously omits any mention of sanctions.

The text notes that “the EU will accelerate and further deepen its political and policy engagement with Moldova including, inter alia, through the holding of regular EU-Moldova Summits.”

This is a clear sign that Brussels is serious about forging a closer political relationship with Chisinau.

Normally, the EU only holds summits with larger countries like, for example, Brazil, China, Japan, or the United States. Since 1997, it has also held annual summits with Ukraine, and it held a summit with Turkey back in 2018 as well.

In contrast, other EU candidate countries -- such as Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia -- are not yet being offered individual summits with Brussels and must content themselves with annual EU-Western Balkans summits instead.

Deep Background: Brussels officials who spoke to RFE/RL say that the Moldova meeting is meant as a political recognition of pro-EU President Maia Sandu’s reform efforts and the liberal government’s support for her ahead of parliamentary elections on September 28. Opinion polls are showing that her Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) has lost support and may even lose power in the autumn.

The biggest “carrot” that Brussels wants to offer Moldova is to finally commence EU accession talks. The text of the draft declaration notes that Brussels looks forward “to the next steps in Moldova’s accession process, opening negotiating clusters, starting with the fundamental cluster as soon as possible.”

The “fundamental cluster” is Brussels lingo for all the rule of law legislation that an EU candidate country has to enact before it is eligible to join the bloc.

Interestingly, an earlier draft seen by RFE/RL had “opening all negotiating clusters” but the word “all” has been removed in the latest version of the text.

This indicates that some EU member states -- which need to unanimously decide on opening and closing all accession-related files -- are casting doubt on the European Commission’s goal of opening negotiations on all 33 policy chapters by the end of this year.

Rumors in Brussels diplomatic circles are swirling about an imminent “decoupling” of Moldova and Ukraine.

The two countries have so far walked together toward EU membership, with both getting candidate status in June 2022, for example.

However, with Hungary currently blocking Kyiv’s accession path, there have been suggestions that Moldova could be allowed to move ahead independently.

Drilling Down

  • While the draft declaration is generally complimentary about Chisinau, it does contain some thinly veiled criticism on certain key issues.
  • Brussels still has concerns about graft and the text notes that “in light of the upcoming elections, we also underscore the need to further strengthen the anti-corruption framework to uphold transparency, accountability and the integrity of the electoral process.”
  • Another line of the declaration underlines that only “some progress” has been made in areas such as judicial independence, increased transparency, and modernizing the administration of courts.
  • While summit communiques rarely offer up stirring language of any sort, the current draft is scathing on Russia, condemning Moscow for “persistent hybrid threats” aimed at undermining “democratic elections in Moldova, including information manipulation and interference, and the use of large-scale electoral corruption through local proxies.”
  • It also accuses the Kremlin of “weaponizing energy” last winter with the goal of destabilizing the country.
  • On Transdniester, a separatist enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, the document calls on Russia to withdraw all military personnel there.
  • It is estimated that there are around 1,500 troops with Russian passports in the breakaway region, which has been administered by a de facto separatist government with Moscow's backing since the Soviet Union collapsed in the early 1990s.
  • There has also been growing discussion in both Chisinau and Brussels about applying a so-called “Cyprus model” to Moldova. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the entire island was admitted, even though the EU’s laws only applied in the south, which is controlled by the internationally recognized government. The northern part, administered by a Turkish-backed separatist authority, remains outside EU law.
  • The draft declaration leaves this possibility open for Chisinau by noting that “the EU will continue to support Moldova’s reintegration efforts and will ensure that the European path remains open and inclusive to all its citizens.”
  • Interestingly, there is no mention of any new sanctions on individuals with close links to Russia.
  • Since 2023, the EU has slapped asset freezes and visa bans on 16 Moldovan individuals. This list includes the oligarchs Ilan Shor and Vladimir Plahotniuc, who the bloc believes have destabilized the Eastern European country.


Looking Ahead

The European Parliament is holding a full plenary session this week in Strasbourg. Look out for a debate on June 18 about the detained Georgian journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli.

Facing up to seven years in jail for allegedly slapping a police officer, the reporter's case has become widely watched since her arrest in January during protests in the South Caucasus republic that followed controversial parliamentary elections in October.

The chamber will also pass a nonbinding resolution on her case on June 19, calling for her immediate release

That's all for this week!

Feel free to reach out to me on any of these issues on X @RikardJozwiak, or on e-mail at jozwiakr@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Rikard Jozwiak

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition subscribe here.

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About The Newsletter

The Wider Europe newsletter briefs you every Tuesday morning on key issues concerning the EU, NATO, and other institutions’ relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe’s Eastern neighborhoods.

For more than a decade as a correspondent in Brussels, Rikard Jozwiak covered all the major events and crises related to the EU’s neighborhood and how various Western institutions reacted to them -- the war in Georgia, the annexation of Crimea, Russia’s support for separatists in eastern Ukraine, the downing of MH17, dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo, the EU and NATO enlargement processes in the Western Balkans, as well as visa liberalizations, free-trade deals, and countless summits.

Now out of the “Brussels bubble,” but still looking in -- this time from the heart of Europe, in Prague -- he continues to focus on the countries where Brussels holds huge sway, but also faces serious competition from other players, such as Russia and, increasingly, China.

To subscribe, click here.

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