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Wider Europe

Welcome to Wider Europe, RFE/RL's newsletter focusing on the key issues concerning the European Union, NATO, and other institutions and their relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe's Eastern neighborhoods.

I'm RFE/RL Europe Editor Rikard Jozwiak, and this week I am drilling down on two issues: preventing former Russian soldiers from entering the EU and placing Russia on the anti-money laundering list.

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Briefing #1: Can The EU Prevent Former Russian Soldiers From Entering The Bloc?

What You Need To Know: Estonia is pushing to have Russian soldiers who have fought in the war in Ukraine banned from entering the Schengen area, a passport-free zone covering most of European Union member states. The idea, put forward in a discussion paper seen by RFE/RL and distributed to other EU capitals in late January, was briefly discussed when the bloc’s foreign ministers met in Brussels on January 29. According to EU officials that RFE/RL spoke to under condition of anonymity, the idea was positively received by those member states that took the floor and there was a general agreement that the work on the file will continue with both home affairs and foreign affairs experts in Brussels. The officials did, however, admit that questions also arose about the scale and practicality of preventing so many people from entering the bloc.

Deep Background: According to Tallinn, an estimated 1.5 million Russian citizens have taken part in combat operations in Ukraine since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 -- including both regular armed forces of the Russian Federation and proxy units such as the Wagner Group. Of these it is believed that 640,000 remain actively engaged, meaning that there are close to 1 million ex-fighters that are potential targets for the EU.

The potential security risk for the club is spelled out in the paper: “Combat experience and the use of violence, including likely participation in war crimes and other atrocities against the Ukrainian population, are common characteristics of these individuals. Their potential entry into and presence within the EU carries not only a general risk of violent crime but represents a major vector for the infiltration of organized crime, extremist movements, and hostile state operations across Europe.” It is also noted that these individuals can be “a fertile recruitment base for Russian intelligence services.”

The paper also states that there is a link between ex-combatants and increased violence inside Russia, notably among the estimated 180,000 prisoners that were recruited from penal colonies in the country to special military units fighting in Ukraine. The document notes that “many returnees have already committed serious crimes. The total number of which has reached a 15-year high in Russia in the first half of 2025, and this upsurge is likely linked to the mass return of ex-combatants” and adds that “these individuals’ freedom of movement poses a direct threat to the entire Schengen Area, independent of where entry occurs. They must have no place in Europe.”

Drilling Down:

  • The question now is how to stop them from coming to the EU. Back in September 2022, the EU adopted a decision to fully suspend the EU-Russia visa facilitation agreement, meaning that it is more expensive and complicated for Russian citizens to get to the bloc.
  • On top of that, Brussels has also sanctioned, meaning imposed a visa bans, on nearly 2,000 Russians for what the EU sees as their role in undermining Ukraine’s territorial integrity. This list comprises oligarchs, businessmen, ministers, and top military officials.
  • The Estonian proposal, however, is not to use sanctions and the push to target ex-fighters will not be part of the EU’s 20th sanctions package on the Kremlin that is expected to be agreed by all member states later in February.
  • Instead, Tallinn is using another method: the Schengen entry ban. Already on January 9, Tallinn imposed the ban on 261 Russian ex-soldiers. The entry ban prevents non-EU individuals from entering all EU countries apart from Cyprus and Ireland as well as the non-EU Schengen members Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland.
  • Valid for up to 5 years, it should be applicable in the entire Schengen zone and not just the country that filed the ban in the Schengen Information System (SIS) as Estonia recently did with the Russian fighters.
  • But while in principle one country can issue a Schengen-wide alert, individual countries can make exceptions and in the end each Schengen country is sovereign in terms of deciding who is allowed onto their territory.
  • This is why Estonia is asking for wider EU-backing on these measures, calling on "EU Member States and Schengen countries to put into effect a full ban on entry to the Schengen Area, and the refusal of visas and residence permits for all identified Russian nationals who have participated in the war of aggression against Ukraine."
  • Estonia also added that “this time-critical security initiative requires urgent political and practical support, and we call all interested parties to join the initiative and help incorporate individuals into the Schengen entry ban list as a matter of urgency”
  • Will other EU member states follow suit? Possibly, but they also recognize the difficulties. One is the near impossibility of getting individual details for each ex-combatant to register them in the system. "A few hundred, even a couple of thousands could work but we are talking about nearly a million people here," said one diplomat to RFE/RL
  • And while the Estonian initiative is considered sincere and useful, there is also a wariness in the club of overburdening the system and prompting other members to abuse it for pure political purposes.
  • An illustration of this came in the summer of last year when Romania banned Ion Ceban, the mayor of Moldova’s capital Chisinau, from entering the Schengen zone citing national-security concerns. Ceban is a rival to the pro-Western Moldovan President Maia Sandu who at the time was preparing her political alliance for tightly fought parliamentary elections that were subsequently won. The ban is still in place even though several EU capitals voiced concerns about the political nature of it.


Briefing #2: All You Need To Know As The EU Puts Russia On Its Anti-Money Laundering List

What You Need To Know: On January 29, Russia was added to the European Union blacklist of countries at high risk of money laundering and financing terrorism, further severing the political and economic ties between Brussels and Moscow four years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In a rather opaque process, the initial decision was made by the European Commission on December 3, 2025, giving the European Parliament and the 27 EU member states one month to challenge the blacklisting. No such move was made, and the blacklisting was posted in the EU official journal, the bloc’s daily gazette of new laws and regulations, on January 9 stating that the measure will enter into force 20 days from publication, which was January 29.

Deep Background: The European Commission pointed out several shortcomings with the Russian financial system. These included the lack of independence of the country’s financial intelligence unit (Rosfinmonitoring), the lack of cooperation with foreign counterparts regarding the exchange of information and transparency of transaction beneficiaries, and the failure to sufficiently track crypto-asset transfers -- all reasons that EU officials believe can contribute to both money laundering and the financing of terrorism. The close cooperation between Russia and countries like Iran and North Korea, two other countries on the blacklist, was another reason for the decision.

The move also marks the EU's departure from its traditional alignment with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) listings. The FATF -- established by the Group of Seven (G7) in 1989 -- maintains the global "gray list" (jurisdictions under increased monitoring for anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing deficiencies) and has published it since 2000.

FATF did suspend Russia as a member in 2023 as a result of the Ukrainian invasion, but the EU has been frustrated in its attempts to make FATF blacklist Moscow. Any such listing would need consensus, meaning that no member country actively opposes the decision. Despite both the EU and Ukraine providing the organization with evidence, fellow BRICS members such as Brazil, China, and South Africa opposed any further action beyond the suspension of membership. While FATF only has three countries on its blacklist -- Iran, Myanmar, and North Korea -- the EU list now comprises 26, with most additions made recently. In fact, the EU set up its own Anti-Money Laundering Authority (AMLA) in 2024, and, in the summer of last year, the bloc adopted legislation that would allow the bloc to blacklist countries that aren’t listed by FATF.

Drilling Down:

  • So, what will the Russia blacklisting mean in practice, especially as the EU already has adopted wide-ranging sanctions against the Kremlin in recent years that limit what the bloc’s banks and other financial services can do in Russia?
  • In short, EU financial institutions will have to strengthen their due diligence on all transactions with Russia. The bloc’s sanctions to date target specific Russian banks but now, at least in theory, European banks will have to pay attention to all transactions to and from Russia, including those routed through third countries. If any irregularity is suspected, banks must either ask for more clarity or curtail the transaction altogether.
  • The effect will be a further chilling of EU-Russia economic ties. In 2025, trade between the bloc and Russia reached its lowest level in over 20 years and it is expected to shrink further.
  • Another effect could be that financial institutions from third countries, such as India and the United Arab Emirates, might be forced to reconsider their current business with Russia as it might jeopardize their relationship with EU banks.
  • The thinking is that such countries always will prioritize the bigger and more lucrative European market to that of Russia, even though they admit that they haven’t seen such a shift quite yet.
  • One of the reasons is also Russia’s very deliberate shift to develop other types of payment channels such as cryptocurrencies, a move that is likely to only accelerate now. And it's a channel that the EU still hasn't found an efficient way to deal with, despite some EU sanctions on Russian crypto assets.

Looking Ahead

NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte will be in Kyiv today, February 3, to address the country’s parliament. Ukraine’s chances of joining the military alliance remain slim, as some members are opposing the move, but expect the former Dutch prime minister to promise more Western military support to Kyiv.

That's all for this week!

Feel free to reach out to me on any of these issues on X @RikardJozwiak, or on e-mail at jozwiakr@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Rikard Jozwiak

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition subscribe here.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy

Welcome to Wider Europe, RFE/RL's newsletter focusing on the key issues concerning the European Union, NATO, and other institutions and their relationships with the Western Balkans and Europe's Eastern neighborhoods.

I'm RFE/RL Europe Editor Rikard Jozwiak, and this week I'm drilling down on two issues: The EU-US plan to make Ukraine richer and the deal done in Davos on Greenland.

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Briefing #1: All You Need To Know About The EU-US Prosperity Framework For Ukraine

What You Need To Know: The European Union and the United States have sketched out a "prosperity framework" for Ukraine designed to provide Kyiv with financial assurances along with security guarantees to stabilize Ukraine after the war with Russia ends. The 18-page document, seen by RFE/RL, says that while $800 billion could be mobilized for Ukraine through 2040, the immediate aim is to meet the country's need for some $500 billion in reconstruction over the next decade.

The EU, the United States and international financial institutions -- including the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank -- would participate in the initial phase, providing $317 billion for reconstruction, $57 billion for private housing, and some $126 billion for the construction of both public and private buildings. Compensation to victims would be dealt with separately through a mechanism targeting Russia's frozen assets in the West.

Speaking last week as the framework was being discussed at an informal meeting of members of the European Council, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said that it "looks at how we can boost the prosperity of Ukraine at the moment we achieve a peaceful cease-fire." "We are talking about a single document representing the collective vision of the Ukrainians, Americans, and Europe for Ukraine's post-war future," she said. The $800 billion figure comes from the war-torn country's "ambition to identify further investment opportunities that will enable its economy to grow and thrive, double its GDP, raise its productivity, and significantly improve Ukrainians' quality of life," according to the document.

Deep Background: Much of the plan depends on the war ending soon. But there are other conditions. Rapid progress toward EU accession is highlighted as a must. It is noted that the GDPs of Central and Eastern European economies that joined the club in 2004 and 2007 nearly tripled since then and that this trick can be repeated with Kyiv. While Ukraine hopes to join the club before the end of the decade, Hungary has blocked the start of accession talks for nearly two years over what Budapest sees as Ukrainian discrimination of the Hungarian-speaking minority in the country -- a spat that has now prompted leader Viktor Orban to recently state that no Hungarian parliament "in 100 years" will be ready to green-light Ukrainian EU membership.

But this is not the only condition set out in the paper. "Restoring Ukraine's access to sovereign debt markets is a critical unlock," it says, adding that this would involve "enabling banks to refocus on lending to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and thereby stimulating job creation and the overall economy." It also mentions the need for the country to "re-establish its standing with the global investor community," which includes expanded digital infrastructure and strengthening the independence of the judiciary and property rights in the country. But where this $800 billion come from?

Drilling Down:

  • There are some concrete pledges of cash. The European Commission has proposed earmarking $116 billion for Ukraine in the next multi-annual EU budget, which should start in 2028 and run through 2034.
  • But all EU member states need to agree on this in long-winded negotiations over the next 18 months, and it's not clear if this number will remain given many EU capitals are keen to reduce EU budget expenditures in general.
  • There is no figure yet for Washington's expected contribution. The paper notes simply that "the United States will endeavor to raise significant additional capital (public and private, grants, equity and debt) to be invested transparently and effectively in Ukraine."
  • The authors also say that the return of 2.1 million migrants within the first two years of the end of the war would lead to a productivity leap of 5 percent and a potential rise in GDP per capita growth.
  • The document also notes that additional public capital is expected to come from "concessional loans from international financial institutions, other grants, and philanthropies" and that Ukraine "may consider the sale of mineral rights as another means to introduce private capital into Ukraine, as envisioned by the US-Ukraine Reconstruction Investment Fund."
  • However, the framework as it stands now gives no specific numbers. The appendix states while Ukraine's "minerals sector offers substantial investment opportunities," it cautions that "challenges persist, including longer lead times for lithium projects, the need to align with global standards, and the requirement for updated technological and geological data to support new greenfield initiatives."
  • Apart from the country's mineral sectors, Brussels and Washington are eyeing a number of additional fields of investment. One is the over 3,000 state-owned enterprises that could be privatized -- the paper notes such a move is "necessary to open up key sectors of the economy to private investment, remove inefficiencies, and allow for innovation and investments."
  • The reconstruction of over 25,000 kilometers of roads is also mentioned, as is an upgrade of the Chornomorsk port southwest of Odesa.
  • In the energy sector, six new nuclear reactors in Khmelnitsky and Rivne could be constructed. The text also mentions that "the United States, and potentially US companies, will aim to partner with Ukraine through co-investment to restore, grow, modernize, and operate Ukraine's gas infrastructure, which includes its pipeline and storage facilities."


Briefing #2: What’s In The 'Davos Deal' Made To Ease Transatlantic Tensions Over Greenland?

What You Need To Know: There may be a solution to the recent tension over Greenland. US President Donald Trump and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, in a much-touted meeting held in Davos, Switzerland, on January 21, reached a framework agreement. Earlier that day, Trump had reiterated his wish to bring the Danish island under American sovereignty but ruled out force to accomplish this. But after his meeting with Rutte, he posted on social media that "we have formed the framework of a future deal with respect to Greenland and, in fact, the entire Arctic Region." "This solution, if consummated, will be a great one for the United States of America, and all Nato Nations," he added.

The agreement, which multiple RFE/RL sources insist has yet to be officially drawn up, will apparently be worked out in the coming weeks. While NATO facilitated the initial meeting, the talks will now mainly be held between the foreign ministers of the United States, Denmark, and Greenland with the potential involvement of the US Vice President JD Vance, as well. Several NATO officials and European diplomats speaking under condition of anonymity told RFE/RL that while concrete details will be ironed out later, there are some "contours" that have been sketched out.

Deep Background: One of the sticking points will continue to be the issue of sovereignty -- perhaps not of the entire island, but part of it. There have been media reports that the United States would control parts of Greenland by potentially designating them as "sovereign base areas." This would be something like Britain's currently setup in Cyprus, with some bases remaining under London’s control to date despite the island gaining independence in 1960. NATO officials whom RFE/RL has spoken to insist that "the Cyprus model was not mentioned in the meeting," with one saying that media reporting on this was likely based on speculation by officials on the direction the talks could take. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen also issued a statement after the Trump-Rutte meeting, noting that "NATO is fully aware of the Kingdom of Denmark's position. We can negotiate on everything political; security, investments, economy. But we cannot negotiate on our sovereignty."

Some other contours of the framework might, however, be easier to agree on. One includes a "brush up" of the 1951 treaty between the United States and Denmark that allowed Washington to keep its bases on Greenland and establish new ones if the United States and NATO deemed it necessary. That deal was reworked in 2004 so that consent by both Denmark and Greenland is needed for any US troop increases or new military installments. At the moment, the United States has one base there, which hosts some 200 officers working on ballistic-missile early warnings and space surveillance. During the Cold War, there were up to 10,000 US soldiers on the island. The reworking is likely to include the incorporation of the proposed American Golden Dome anti-missile system that would cover the North Atlantic, including Greenland -- a move that both Copenhagen and Nuuk are reportedly fine with.

Drilling Down:

  • Another aspect of the framework includes investment screening. The United States wants a say in who is allowed to invest in Greenland, with the clear intention of staving off China and Russia from gaining a foothold there. A rare-earth deal, meaning special rights for mining, would also be included and is expected to be agreed on relatively expediently.
  • A third aspect is greater NATO involvement in and around Greenland. This could involve the military alliance as a whole or just the so-called Arctic-7 members of the club: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and the United States.
  • Whether this entails an expanded number of exercises or something more permanent remains to be seen. Along these lines, there has been much talk in Brussels of a NATO-led Arctic Sentry mission.
  • Speaking in Brussels on January 22 after a regular meeting of all the NATO countries' chiefs of defense, the alliance's Supreme Allied Commander Europe Alexus Grynkewich said there was no "political guidance yet" for an Arctic Sentry-type of mission just yet.
  • "We are doing some thinking but no planning yet but we are ready and we have a ton of expertise," he said. He also said there was "never a military dimension in those (Davos) talks that came down to us."
  • He also confirmed that no NATO exercises are expected on Greenland in the coming months but that a regular joint US-Canadian exercise with Denmark's blessing called Norad -- involving military aircrafts from both nations -- is under way.


Looking Ahead

EU foreign ministers will meet in Brussels on January 29 and are expected to green light some sanctions on foreign powers. Firstly, they could agree on targeting a handful of Russians that the bloc considers has supported the Kremlin’s “destabilizing activities” around the world. The ministers could also wave through a raft of sanctions on prominent members of the Iranian regime responsible for the deadly crackdown on protesters in the country in recent weeks.

That's all for this week!

Feel free to reach out to me on any of these issues on X @RikardJozwiak, or on e-mail at jozwiakr@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Rikard Jozwiak

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition subscribe here.

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