09:51
21.6.2014
CNBC correspondent Steve Sedgwick on June 19 had an interview with Igor Sechin, close associate of Russian President Vladimir Putin and CEO of the state-owned Rosneft oil company. The transcript is posted here.
Sechin fairly rarely gives interviews, so it is interesting particularly to read the following exchange on the sanctions against Sechin and other Russian offiicials and firms over the conflict in Ukraine:
Sechin fairly rarely gives interviews, so it is interesting particularly to read the following exchange on the sanctions against Sechin and other Russian offiicials and firms over the conflict in Ukraine:
SS: May I ask you about sanctions? You have been directly targeted by the US State Department, what is your reaction to that?
IS: The sanctions have been discussed a lot and I would like us to abstain from this discussion because the more we talk about the sanctions, the more important they seem. I am trying to put myself in the shoes of those people who introduce sanctions and I believe that there should be some purpose of the sanctions and some justification of them. And I cannot understand the purpose of the sanctions whatsoever. Especially myself personally I cannot understand what purpose they are pursuing, because I am not involved in the political decisions. I am not a person or element that matters - from the standpoint of obtaining advantages.
Secondly, I cannot understand any justification or basis for taking the sanctions. I don't think that my active cooperation with the American companies that is aimed at ensuring mutual profit could be a basis for sanctions.
I think this sad situation was described quite well by the French politician Charles Maurice de Talleyrand. As far as I remember, what he said is everything that is excessive doesn't have significance. I think serious people should not take any serious decisions under pressure. Therefore this decision that target me don't make any sense to me.
However, I respect such people who take such decisions because our task is to keep working and we will try to demonstrate our efficiency in our activities, including the work of American companies. In my opinion, this is the only option of good response to this type of actions.
SS: Do you fear that your cooperation with American companies will be threatened by a next round of sanctions, which has been talked about it will affect technology and the energy sector and it would hurt your relationships with your American partners?
When I started answering your question on sanctions I said it would be better for us not to discuss this issue. Now you are trying to develop this topic. By doing this, you are trying to give more significance to the sanctions.
I will repeat myself and I will say that we will continue working to demonstrate our efficiency in our joint work that would be mutually beneficial to both Russian and American companies. However if new decisions are taken about sanctions we will continue working at implementing our projects ourselves but we will leave the option open for the American partners to come back when it is possible.
SS: I have a final question, and it is not about sanctions, it is about Igor Sechin, I read a lot about you, I have read a lot about you in the Western press, some of them complimentary, some of them talking about your power, some of them talking about your past and the influence you have. In your words, who is Igor Sechin?
IS: Igor Sechin is the person who you currently can see in front of you. I think that as a result of our conversation, each of us will form an opinion of the person whom he has talked to. If we meet often in the future, at some point there will be trust and maybe even friendship between us. Don't listen to anyone, just try to form your own opinion and live your own life. Thank you.
IS: The sanctions have been discussed a lot and I would like us to abstain from this discussion because the more we talk about the sanctions, the more important they seem. I am trying to put myself in the shoes of those people who introduce sanctions and I believe that there should be some purpose of the sanctions and some justification of them. And I cannot understand the purpose of the sanctions whatsoever. Especially myself personally I cannot understand what purpose they are pursuing, because I am not involved in the political decisions. I am not a person or element that matters - from the standpoint of obtaining advantages.
Secondly, I cannot understand any justification or basis for taking the sanctions. I don't think that my active cooperation with the American companies that is aimed at ensuring mutual profit could be a basis for sanctions.
I think this sad situation was described quite well by the French politician Charles Maurice de Talleyrand. As far as I remember, what he said is everything that is excessive doesn't have significance. I think serious people should not take any serious decisions under pressure. Therefore this decision that target me don't make any sense to me.
However, I respect such people who take such decisions because our task is to keep working and we will try to demonstrate our efficiency in our activities, including the work of American companies. In my opinion, this is the only option of good response to this type of actions.
SS: Do you fear that your cooperation with American companies will be threatened by a next round of sanctions, which has been talked about it will affect technology and the energy sector and it would hurt your relationships with your American partners?
When I started answering your question on sanctions I said it would be better for us not to discuss this issue. Now you are trying to develop this topic. By doing this, you are trying to give more significance to the sanctions.
I will repeat myself and I will say that we will continue working to demonstrate our efficiency in our joint work that would be mutually beneficial to both Russian and American companies. However if new decisions are taken about sanctions we will continue working at implementing our projects ourselves but we will leave the option open for the American partners to come back when it is possible.
SS: I have a final question, and it is not about sanctions, it is about Igor Sechin, I read a lot about you, I have read a lot about you in the Western press, some of them complimentary, some of them talking about your power, some of them talking about your past and the influence you have. In your words, who is Igor Sechin?
IS: Igor Sechin is the person who you currently can see in front of you. I think that as a result of our conversation, each of us will form an opinion of the person whom he has talked to. If we meet often in the future, at some point there will be trust and maybe even friendship between us. Don't listen to anyone, just try to form your own opinion and live your own life. Thank you.
10:11
21.6.2014
In a speech at London's Chatham House on June 19, NATO General-Secretary Anders Fogh Rasmussen discussed NATO's "open-door policy" and its impact on relations with Russia.
Here is the money bit:
Here is the money bit:
ANDERS FOGH RASMUSSEN: But let me stress NATO's open-door policy is not a provocation against anybody. On the contrary, everybody, including Russia, has profited from the zone of stability, security, and prosperity we have contributed to develop in Eastern and Central Europe.
But first and foremost, let me emphasize, in parallel… in parallel with enlargement of NATO, we have engaged intensively with Russia. And actually we have created something very, very special, namely a NATO-Russia Council. It was established in Rome in 2002.
Already in 1997, before the first of the recent enlargement of NATO, we adopted a joint document called the Founding Act, which created the first framework for a structured cooperation between NATO and Russia.
And it was followed, as I said in 2002 by the establishment of something very particular, the NATO-Russia Council, which since then has served as a framework for political consultations as well as decisions on practical cooperation between NATO and Russia.
And I think the peak of all this was the NATO-Russia Summit in Lisbon in November 2010, at which summit we decided to develop a true strategic partnership between Russia and NATO.
So let me stress that we have not accepted new members of NATO as part of any aggression against Russia. On the contrary, we have for more than 20 years now tried to include Russia in a constructive cooperation.
But apart from all that, we adhere to a fundamental principle, namely that each and every nation has a fundamental right to decide itself its security policies and Alliance affiliation. Actually, that's also enshrined in the OECE Charter for European Security, which was adopted in 1999 and also signed by Russia. So Russia has subscribed to that principle, that each and every nation has a right to decide itself.
So NATO's open-door policy follows from our NATO Treaty, Article 10, which states that we may invite any European country that is in a position to improve Euro-Atlantic security and further the principle upon which we have built our societies. Each such European country may be invited to join our Alliance.
And these two things in combination, our open door and the right of every country to decide itself, has led to an expansion of NATO from 16 to 28 nations. That's not directed against Russia. But it's based on some fundamental principles, and of course our goal to create a Europe whole, free, and at peace. And we will not accept new dividing lines in… in Europe.
So I… I completely dismiss that allegation, that our open-door policy should be a provocation against Russia.
And just have a look also at economic figures -- trade, investment, and other things -- you will see that Russia has profited immensely from that zone of security, stability, and prosperity we have contributed to create in Eastern and Central Europe.
So basically, it's in Russia's interest. So… but it goes beyond my imagination how the Kremlin thinks, actually.
But first and foremost, let me emphasize, in parallel… in parallel with enlargement of NATO, we have engaged intensively with Russia. And actually we have created something very, very special, namely a NATO-Russia Council. It was established in Rome in 2002.
Already in 1997, before the first of the recent enlargement of NATO, we adopted a joint document called the Founding Act, which created the first framework for a structured cooperation between NATO and Russia.
And it was followed, as I said in 2002 by the establishment of something very particular, the NATO-Russia Council, which since then has served as a framework for political consultations as well as decisions on practical cooperation between NATO and Russia.
And I think the peak of all this was the NATO-Russia Summit in Lisbon in November 2010, at which summit we decided to develop a true strategic partnership between Russia and NATO.
So let me stress that we have not accepted new members of NATO as part of any aggression against Russia. On the contrary, we have for more than 20 years now tried to include Russia in a constructive cooperation.
But apart from all that, we adhere to a fundamental principle, namely that each and every nation has a fundamental right to decide itself its security policies and Alliance affiliation. Actually, that's also enshrined in the OECE Charter for European Security, which was adopted in 1999 and also signed by Russia. So Russia has subscribed to that principle, that each and every nation has a right to decide itself.
So NATO's open-door policy follows from our NATO Treaty, Article 10, which states that we may invite any European country that is in a position to improve Euro-Atlantic security and further the principle upon which we have built our societies. Each such European country may be invited to join our Alliance.
And these two things in combination, our open door and the right of every country to decide itself, has led to an expansion of NATO from 16 to 28 nations. That's not directed against Russia. But it's based on some fundamental principles, and of course our goal to create a Europe whole, free, and at peace. And we will not accept new dividing lines in… in Europe.
So I… I completely dismiss that allegation, that our open-door policy should be a provocation against Russia.
And just have a look also at economic figures -- trade, investment, and other things -- you will see that Russia has profited immensely from that zone of security, stability, and prosperity we have contributed to create in Eastern and Central Europe.
So basically, it's in Russia's interest. So… but it goes beyond my imagination how the Kremlin thinks, actually.
RFE/RL recently published this feature on Russian pressure against Montenegro, which hopes to be invited to join NATO as early the alliance summit in September.
10:22
21.6.2014
Volunteer fighters have been being sworn in in Donetsk today:
10:33
21.6.2014
Russian analyst Lilya Shevtsova, of the Carnegie Moscow Center, has posted on Facebook a response to an announcement by Russia's Investigative Committee that it is investigating the alleged firing on a Russian border post from Ukrainian territory:
This is Moscow's answer to the antiterrorism operation and [Ukrainian President Petro] Poroshenko's peace plan. And it is not the last "shot." Moscow's goal is clear: to prove to the West that Kyiv cannot end the bloodshed and is already threatening Russia. This means that it is necessary to introduce "peacekeepers" into Ukraine. And they are already ready! We can continue guessing whether this is blackmail or not... But for now Putin does not intend to back down. Gentlemen, you were wrong in Normandy.
10:37
21.6.2014
Here is the latest on fighting in eastern Ukraine, despite the beginning of the cease-fire:
The Ukrainian Border Guard Service says pro-Russian separatists have attacked two border posts in the eastern Donetsk region.
The attacks came despite a unilateral cease-fire declared by President Petro Poroshenko.
The agency said six border guards were injured in one of the overnight attacks.
Poroshenko declared the week-long unilateral cease-fire during a visit to the Donetsk region on June 20.
A statement said the plan is aimed to give separatists time to disarm, but does not mean the troops will not respond to "aggression."
Poroshenko also presented a peace plan, which includes the establishment of a 10-kilometer buffer zone at the Ukrainian-Russian border, and a safe exit for foreign fighters.
Several separatist commanders immediately rejected the plan, while Russia described it as an ultimatum rather than a peace offer.
The attacks came despite a unilateral cease-fire declared by President Petro Poroshenko.
The agency said six border guards were injured in one of the overnight attacks.
Poroshenko declared the week-long unilateral cease-fire during a visit to the Donetsk region on June 20.
A statement said the plan is aimed to give separatists time to disarm, but does not mean the troops will not respond to "aggression."
Poroshenko also presented a peace plan, which includes the establishment of a 10-kilometer buffer zone at the Ukrainian-Russian border, and a safe exit for foreign fighters.
Several separatist commanders immediately rejected the plan, while Russia described it as an ultimatum rather than a peace offer.
11:24
21.6.2014
The Russian news agency Interfax has reported that Russia's Investigative Committee has put Ukrainian acting Interior Minister Arsen Avakov and Dnepropetrovsk Oblast Governor Ihor Kolomoiskiy on an Interpol international wanted list.
Investigative Committee spokesman Vladimir Markin told Interfax the warrants were issued "in the framework of a criminal case on the use of banned means and methods of warfare, aggravated murder, hindrance of the professional activity of journalists, and abductions of people in eastern Ukraine."
Investigative Committee spokesman Vladimir Markin told Interfax the warrants were issued "in the framework of a criminal case on the use of banned means and methods of warfare, aggravated murder, hindrance of the professional activity of journalists, and abductions of people in eastern Ukraine."
13:56
21.6.2014
Acting Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov responded to Russia's request that Interpol issue an arrest warrant for him on Twitter: "Looking for me? Come to the Interior Ministry in Kyiv, Bogomolets Street." Followed by a nice smiley face.
15:18
21.6.2014
Barring major developments, that ends the live blogging for today. See you again tomorrow. Thank you for following along.
07:41
22.6.2014
Good morning. We'll start the live blog today with this latest update from RFE/RL's news desk:
Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko has warned he has an alternative plan in case pro-Russian separatists will use a unilaterally-declared Ukrainian cease-fire to gain more time.
Poroshenko, who on June 20 declared the week-long cease-fire during a visit to the Donetsk region, said in a televised address late on June 21, "for those who hope to use the ceasefire to play for time, to regroup their forces, they have to know -- we have a plan B."
Poroshenko did not elaborate, saying he hoped that his 15-point peace plan "will work."
Poroshenko has said the cease-fire is aimed to give separatists time to disarm.
Poroshenko has met regional leaders and offered to respect the use of the Russian language in the east but has refused to enter into direct dialogue with separatist leaders.
Earlier on June 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin said he supports Poroshenko's decision to declare a cease-fire in southeastern Ukraine, but added the plan would not be "viable" without "practical actions."
Putin said in a statement that Poroshenko's peace plan should not be an "ultimatum," and called on all sides to cease fighting and begin negotiations.
However, Pavel Gubarev, a prominent rebel leader, told Rossiya-24 TV channel that either Ukrainian forces were not obeying orders or Poroshenko "is lying." Gubarev, who describes himself as the governor of the Donetsk People's Republic, said, "There is no cease-fire at all."
The Ukrainian Border Guard Service said on June 21 that pro-Russian separatists attacked two border posts and a military base in the eastern Donetsk region.
The agency said nine border guards were injured in one of the overnight attacks.
Meanwhile, Canada announced economic sanctions and travel bans on 11 Russians and Ukrainians, as well as Crimean oil company Feodosia Enterprise, saying they facilitated the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty.
The European Union has already imposed sanctions against Feodosia Enterprise.
Poroshenko, who on June 20 declared the week-long cease-fire during a visit to the Donetsk region, said in a televised address late on June 21, "for those who hope to use the ceasefire to play for time, to regroup their forces, they have to know -- we have a plan B."
Poroshenko did not elaborate, saying he hoped that his 15-point peace plan "will work."
Poroshenko has said the cease-fire is aimed to give separatists time to disarm.
Poroshenko has met regional leaders and offered to respect the use of the Russian language in the east but has refused to enter into direct dialogue with separatist leaders.
Earlier on June 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin said he supports Poroshenko's decision to declare a cease-fire in southeastern Ukraine, but added the plan would not be "viable" without "practical actions."
Putin said in a statement that Poroshenko's peace plan should not be an "ultimatum," and called on all sides to cease fighting and begin negotiations.
However, Pavel Gubarev, a prominent rebel leader, told Rossiya-24 TV channel that either Ukrainian forces were not obeying orders or Poroshenko "is lying." Gubarev, who describes himself as the governor of the Donetsk People's Republic, said, "There is no cease-fire at all."
The Ukrainian Border Guard Service said on June 21 that pro-Russian separatists attacked two border posts and a military base in the eastern Donetsk region.
The agency said nine border guards were injured in one of the overnight attacks.
Meanwhile, Canada announced economic sanctions and travel bans on 11 Russians and Ukrainians, as well as Crimean oil company Feodosia Enterprise, saying they facilitated the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty.
The European Union has already imposed sanctions against Feodosia Enterprise.
08:03
22.6.2014
Rachel Denber from Human Rights Watch has been tackling claims by the pro-Kremlin Russian media outlet LifeNews that white phosphorous has been used by pro-Kyiv forces in eastern Ukraine:
Read the entire article here
After analyzing the LifeNews video clip, Human Rights Watch arms researchers concluded that it didn’t show a white phosphorous – or an incendiary weapon – attack. What the video actually appears to show is an illuminant or a pyrotechnic. First, the intensity of the burning and the amount of smoke it generated aren’t consistent with white phosphorus. Second, the substance falling from the sky in the video has a haphazard pattern, unlike an incendiary weapon. Third, there is no flash of an explosive bursting charge, no instantaneous uniform ignition of the substance, both characteristic of white phosphorus munitions. Whatever is falling from the sky is breaking apart in a non-uniform manner, more akin to crumbling or disintegrating – incendiary weapons don’t do this.
(...)
This certainly wouldn’t be the first time that Russian state media has manufactured montages about eastern Ukraine, twisted the truth, or outright misstated facts. It’s difficult to avoid the impression that aside from mobilizing public outrage in Russia about Ukraine, these manipulations aim to distract and exhaust the experts whose job it is to sift between fact and fiction. It’s like an incendiary weapon that explodes, leaving in its wake anger and disorientation until the media cycle moves on. The Ukrainian media is also no stranger to this tactic.
(...)
This certainly wouldn’t be the first time that Russian state media has manufactured montages about eastern Ukraine, twisted the truth, or outright misstated facts. It’s difficult to avoid the impression that aside from mobilizing public outrage in Russia about Ukraine, these manipulations aim to distract and exhaust the experts whose job it is to sift between fact and fiction. It’s like an incendiary weapon that explodes, leaving in its wake anger and disorientation until the media cycle moves on. The Ukrainian media is also no stranger to this tactic.
Read the entire article here