After months of simmering tensions in the country, Georgia is slowly moving up the EU’s agenda again, driven by a wave of arrests of opposition figures and new restrictive laws such as the Foreign Agents Registration Act and changes to broadcasting regulations.
For much of the past year, due to a lack of unanimity, the EU has struggled to form a clear strategy toward the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) government, particularly after it claimed victory in last year’s disputed parliamentary elections amid allegations of irregularities.
Earlier this year, Brussels imposed visa requirements on holders of Georgian diplomatic passports and refrained from holding high-level meetings while attempting to divert some funding away from the government and toward civil society instead.
However, stronger measures -- like EU sanctions on GD leaders -- were blocked, especially by Hungary and Slovakia, in early 2025.
Could things be different now?
EU foreign ministers briefly discussed the situation in Georgia when they assembled in Brussels on June 23 and they agreed to come back to the issue again when they meet on July 15 ahead of the monthlong Brussels recess when little of note occurs in terms of policymaking in the bloc.
Situation Continues To 'Deteriorate Drastically'
Prompting the recent June discussion was a one-page paper drafted by Lithuania, one of the EU’s more hawkish voices regarding Georgia’s current leadership.
Seen by RFE/RL, it proposes several measures the club can enact as the situation in Georgia continues “to deteriorate drastically.”
While the discussion was rather short and came at the end of the meeting, several member states spoke out and seemed to agree that Brussels needs to do something more.
However, EU officials whom RFE/RL has spoken to under condition of anonymity did suggest it was very telling that Hungary argued that the bloc should pursue closer cooperation with Tbilisi.
Austria, while critical of the situation in the South Caucasus republic, also cautioned that it was important not to push it too much into Russia’s orbit.
So, what is Lithuania proposing?
One of the six points is, of course, personal sanctions on Georgian Dream’s leadership.
This will not fly due to Budapest’s objections, but EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas interestingly floated another sanctions idea when speaking to media after the meeting: to target judges that are responsible for sentencing the opposition and civil society members.
While it’s hard to envisage unanimity on this, it should be noted that EU sanctions on Russia and Belarus several years ago started with asset freezes and visa bans on lower-profile people, such as judges, instead of well-known political players.
Other suggestions in the paper allude to suspending all EU financial aid to Tbilisi, including “large-scale infrastructure projects.”
These sorts of investments are often hard to just stop, however, especially since other countries in the region could be involved and the projects are already under way.
Brussels is also exploring channeling more money to independent journalists, civil society groups, and dismissed Georgian diplomats and civil servants. But the reality is that the EU is trying to help a lot of organizations and countries worldwide in recent months after USAID scaled down its operations.
The bloc will start discussions this summer on a new long-term budget beyond the current one, which runs out in 2027. But, right now, there isn’t too much spare cash available.
Worth Looking Out For
Perhaps the two most interesting topics covered in the discussion paper are the suspension of visa liberalization and of the EU-Georgia association agreement.
None of this will be easy to do, but there are a few things worth looking out for here.
Removing visa liberalization for all Georgian citizens is something few want as it targets the general population. But the paper has floated the idea of setting a concrete deadline for Tbilisi to address shortcomings, notably around fundamental rights, as highlighted in a 2024 European Commission report on visa policies for third countries.
It could be that visa suspension for certain categories of travelers could be forthcoming, especially since this only requires a qualified majority of member states (55 percent of countries representing 65 percent of the total EU population). The EU itself has also enacted rules making it easier to issue suspensions.
Then there is the EU-Georgia association agreement, which has been in force since 2016.
This regulates political and trade relations between Brussels and Tbilisi via the so-called Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area agreement (DCFTA), which is part of the general association agreement.
The Lithuanian paper suggests the European Commission should examine whether Georgia is breaching the agreement, particularly Article 2, which covers fundamental principles like respect for human rights.
A similar review was recently conducted on the EU-Israel association agreement, and Brussels found several breaches. Given this emerging trend in EU foreign policy, don’t be surprised if some member states push for a Georgia review as soon as July.
Further down the line it is worth noting that unanimity is needed to suspend the entire association agreement, but suspending some areas could be easier. To put the trade aspects of the agreement on ice, for example, only requires a qualified majority.
