Near SHAYMAK, Tajikistan -- In a remote stretch of land near the Wakhan Corridor not far from Tajikistan’s mountainous border with northeastern Afghanistan, China's regional ambitions are adjusting to a new reality on the ground.

Next to an old Soviet outpost and believed to have existed for at least five years, a collection of strategically located buildings and lookout towers controlled by Chinese troops are part of Beijing's nascent but growing hard-power footprint in the region focused on security in neighboring Afghanistan.

Though both the Chinese and Tajik governments officially deny the existence of the base and Chinese personnel, a visit by an RFE/RL source near the compound and the surrounding area saw Beijing’s first military footprint in Central Asia in full swing as it finds itself at a crossroads following the Taliban’s August takeover of Afghanistan.

Through interviews with current and former officials in Afghanistan and Tajikistan, details provided by people living near China’s unofficial military base, expert analysis, and observations by an RFE/RL source in the area, an image emerges of a rising China slowly shifting its role into security matters in the region.

But that image is one that Beijing finds increasingly complicated.

China is navigating increasingly strained ties between the Tajik government and the Taliban and searching for a way to cooperate with Afghanistan's new Taliban regime in order to protect its regional interests, particularly targeting Uyghur extremists in Afghanistan, which Beijing has blamed for attacks in its western Xinjiang Province and still views as a threat.

"The situation in Afghanistan is awkward for China," Haiyun Ma, an associate professor at Frostburg State University who studies Beijing’s relations with countries in Central and South Asia, told RFE/RL. "You have a Taliban regime that has ties to terrorists, including Uyghur [extremist] groups, but Beijing is exploring how much it can work together [with it]."

Details about the Chinese military site, such as its funding and ownership, are unclear, as is the exact nature of China’s mission along the Tajik-Afghan border.

But local residents describe regular sightings of military drones flying overhead and the presence of surveillance equipment. While RFE/RL could not independently corroborate which country operates the drones, their use points to a growing monitoring role at the facilities.

Two locals who had visited the facilities on multiple occasions and spoke to RFE/RL under condition of anonymity said the site consisted of Chinese, Afghan, and Tajik personnel and that an arrangement allowed for information to be gathered and shared among all three parties.

But the Taliban’s return to power in Kabul has disrupted this cooperation, according to a Tajik government source who spoke to RFE/RL on condition of anonymity as he was not authorized to speak to the media.

According to the official, the Afghan contingent has not been replaced since the fall of the Western-backed government in Kabul on August 15. Afghan troops had previously rotated out every two months, he said, but the facilities now only consist of Chinese and Tajik personnel.

This presents another wrinkle for Beijing as it looks to solidify its presence in Tajikistan and adjust to the shifting situation in Afghanistan, particularly how willing and able the Taliban is to cooperate on counterterrorism.

Beijing has forged a pragmatic and, at times, tense working relationship with the Taliban over the decades, and RFE/RL reported earlier this month -- citing Afghan and Tajik military sources -- that the Taliban relocated Uyghur fighters from an area near Afghanistan's 76-kilometer border with China.

China has moved to expand its military links to the region as well, conducting bilateral military exercises with Central Asian countries bordering Afghanistan and forming in 2001 the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) -- a Beijing-led security bloc that also includes Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, India, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.

China also funded and trained an Afghan brigade that operated in the Wakhan Corridor, according to a 2018 report by Hong Kong's South China Morning Post, a report that Beijing denied, saying it had not built a training camp and there will be "no Chinese military personnel on Afghan soil."

"China sees counterterrorism as an effective way to address its concerns and expand its influence in Central Asia," said Ma.

China's stepped-up security presence is driven in part by a desire to protect its investments and by Beijing's view that Central Asia can act as a bulwark against extremism in Xinjiang -- where the Chinese government has imprisoned more than 1 million Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and other Muslim minorities in internment camps.

The Chinese government has faced severe international criticism for human rights abuses in Xinjiang and some Western parliaments have accused the camp system as amounting to genocide, but Beijing has justified its crackdown as necessary in order to curb Islamist extremism in the area.

The militants are believed to be members of the Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP) -- a Uyghur extremist group that Beijing blames for unrest in Xinjiang and refers to by its former name, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM).

The Taliban allowed Uyghur fighters to operate in Afghanistan during its rule in the 1990s and is believed to still have links to them. China has demanded on multiple occasions that the Taliban cut any ties with the militants.

But while the reported relocation marked a sign of coordination between the Taliban and Beijing, it is unclear if the group will hand over the fighters to Chinese authorities, an official in Tajikistan's state border services, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told RFE/RL.

"The question is whether China can expect the Taliban to be a reliable partner," said Ma. "The Taliban’s ideology means there will be limits on what it is willing to do to work with Beijing."

Outpost On China’s Western Frontier

While the Chinese deployment in Tajikistan represents a strategic and symbolic step by Beijing toward playing a bigger part in the region's security matters, it is a modest presence in a remote area located more than 132 kilometers from Murghab, the nearest town, which has a population of about 4,000.

But the unofficial base is part of a wider expansion of Chinese economic and political influence across Central and South Asia in recent years under the guise of President Xi Jinping’s signature, multibillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, of which the Tajik government has become an enthusiastic partner.

This focus on Xinjiang is reflected in the deployment in Tajikistan.

A 2019 Washington Post report found that Chinese personnel at the base were distinct from the People's Liberation Army, China’s main military force, and were instead paramilitary units, likely from the People's Armed Police.

That paramilitary unit has conducted drills in recent years with Central Asian militaries and hosted officers at its training academies. The People's Armed Police has also played a prominent role in the repression of Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.

Concerns over the porous borders of Afghanistan and Tajikistan also led to a secret agreement between both countries and Beijing that The Wall Street Journal reported in 2019 granted China the right to repair or expand 30 to 40 preexisting outposts on the Tajik side of the border.

The alleged agreements have led to Chinese personnel replacing their Tajik counterparts along lengthy sections of the Tajik-Afghan border where they patrol on their own, according to the report. A Tajik official confirmed this account to RFE/RL.

"The overall numbers of Uyghur fighters [are] small, and China has exaggerated them, [but] Afghanistan now has the potential to become a magnet and safe haven for jihadi groups of all stripes," Daniel Markey, a former State Department official and expert on South Asia at the U.S. Institute of Peace, told RFE/RL. "China has legitimate reasons to want to better seal up its land border."

China's 'War On Terror'

Chinese military strategists and policymakers have long been anxious about the potential threats of extremism in the Middle East and Central Asia spreading to China.

In a 2014 speech by President Xi to the country's communist leadership -- obtained as part of a leak of documents by The New York Times in 2019 -- the Chinese leader warned that conflict in Afghanistan and Syria could directly affect Xinjiang and amplify risks for China.

Uyghur militants had traveled to and fought in both countries, Xi said, and could return to western China as experienced fighters to push for their cause of an independent homeland that they call East Turkestan.

"After the United States pulls troops out of Afghanistan, terrorist organizations positioned on the frontiers of Afghanistan and Pakistan may quickly infiltrate Central Asia," the Chinese leader said. "East Turkestan’s terrorists -- who have received real war training in Syria and Afghanistan -- could at any time launch terrorist attacks in Xinjiang," he claimed.

It was these concerns that led to Beijing taking up its current foothold in Tajikistan, Edward Lemon, an expert on Central Asia at Texas A&M University, told RFE/RL.

"The building of the facility in Tajikistan was directly linked to the perception by the Chinese government that the border between Tajikistan and China was a weak spot through which Uyghur militants based in Afghanistan could pass," he said.

For decades, Beijing has moved to suppress all forms of Uyghur resistance to its rule. Muslim ethnic minorities make up the majority of Xinjiang’s population of 25 million, with Uyghurs -- who speak a Turkic language and have long faced discrimination and restrictions on their cultural and religious activities -- the largest among them.

The push for an independent homeland has long been a nonviolent political cause for many Uyghurs in China and abroad, but that desire coupled with repression against the ethnic group has also fueled a more extreme movement willing to carry out anti-Chinese violence over the years.

In the 1990s, ETIM, a Uyghur militant group fighting to separate from China, emerged in Afghanistan and received protection from the Taliban.

Beijing later courted and negotiated with the Taliban leadership to cut ties with the group and, similar to now, former Taliban leader Mullah Omar relocated the fighters and restrained the militants' activities. But they stopped short of expelling ETIM or handing them over to Chinese authorities.

Beijing accused ETIM of helping to orchestrate attacks inside China, but little was heard from the group throughout the 2000s, especially after its leader was killed in 2003. That was until the group calling itself TIP issued a video in 2008 in which it threatened to attack China during that year's Summer Olympics, held in Beijing. TIP said it was a successor to ETIM, although China continues to call it by the older name.

TIP has grown because of Syria, where thousands of Uyghurs who left China are believed to have gone since 2014, adding to fears that they could relocate to Afghanistan or other areas neighboring China’s western border.

While Western officials and analysts question the ability of Uyghur militants to carry out significant attacks inside China, a surge in anti-government incidents in Xinjiang -- including 2009 ethnic riots and a May 2014 attack on an outdoor market that killed 39 people -- helped fuel Beijing’s current crackdown on Uyghurs.

At home, this took the form of a "people’s war" on terrorism, which escalated into the current camp system in Xinjiang. Abroad, this led to an extended campaign to target, surveil, intimidate, and extradite Uyghurs of all backgrounds around the world.

Research published in June by the Uyghur Human Rights Project and the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs suggests at least 395 Uyghurs have been deported, extradited, or rendered back to China since 1997, though the true figure could be higher.

Complicated Partners

Militant threats remain the focus of China's unofficial presence in Tajikistan, but the facilities and Beijing's counterterrorism agenda are also linked to the country's complicated geopolitical relationship with Russia, as well as the current tense relationship between the Taliban and the Tajik government.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has maintained its edge as Central Asia’s main security guarantor and sees the region as part of its traditional sphere of influence, even while the Kremlin has come to accept China's economic supremacy.

Moscow maintains a 7,000-troop military base outside of Dushanbe, the Tajik capital, and has begun to reinforce its security footprint in the country with tanks and heavy weaponry following the Taliban's return to power.

Wary of provoking Moscow, Beijing moved cautiously as it expanded its presence in Tajikistan.

In 2017, the Development Research Center, an influential Beijing-based think tank linked to China’s cabinet, hosted a handful of prominent Russian researchers to probe their reactions to a Chinese security deployment in Tajikistan.

Alexander Gabuev, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, was one of the participants. He told RFE/RL that the private meeting was focused on explaining China's motivations for such a presence and that its purpose was for logistics and monitoring rather than a formal military base.

"It was mostly about sensing where the Kremlin's red lines would be on certain issues and what Moscow could or couldn't tolerate from China in Tajikistan," Gabuev said, noting that the participants were asked whether the use of private mercenaries or official Chinese personnel would be more tolerable for Russia.

Both China and Russia have concerns about instability spreading from Afghanistan and of the country becoming a staging ground for terrorist groups, but the arrival of Chinese servicemen in Central Asia was initially an unwelcome development for the Kremlin, Gabuev said.

"[The base] was an unpleasant surprise for Russia, but Moscow understands quite well that the Chinese military presence will be limited to Tajikistan," he said. "[The Kremlin] doesn’t want a broader Chinese expansion across the region, but since China is already there they will look to cooperate."

China and Russia have thus far looked to solidify their defenses around Afghanistan and have cautiously engaged with the Taliban, but swelling tension between Kabul and Dushanbe could also further complicate Beijing's ambitions in the region.

Emomali Rahmon, Tajikistan’s autocratic president, has accused the Taliban of carrying out "terrible violence" against the Afghan people and said he will not recognize a Taliban government that fails to reflect the ethnic diversity of Afghanistan. Dushanbe has also hosted several exiled politicians and former officials from the Afghan government that was ousted by the Taliban in August.

These acts have led to a spiraling row between the two sides and raised the possibility of cross-border violence. An official in Dushanbe raised the alarm when he said ethnic Tajiks from Afghanistan who had fought with the Taliban were planning to cross over into Tajikistan and were amassing weaponry, RFE/RL reported.

This led to Salam Hanafi, the Taliban's acting deputy prime minister, to warn Tajikistan not to interfere in Afghanistan's domestic affairs, saying that "every action has a reaction."

The escalation has already prompted the Kremlin to react, with Moscow saying Russia is ready to protect Tajikistan in the event of any incursions from neighboring Afghanistan.

The outbreak of fighting between the two sides remains low at the moment, says Lemon, but the added tensions are an unwelcome development for Beijing.

"This could put [China] in a difficult situation if fighting came near where Chinese troops are stationed," he said.

Preparing For A New Era

A suicide bombing on October 8 at the Gozar-e Sayed Abad Mosque in the northern Afghan city of Kunduz killed at least 50 people and injured more than 140 others in the deadliest attack since U.S.-led international forces withdrew from the country.

The attack was claimed by Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K), the Afghan affiliate of the terrorist group that remains violently opposed to Taliban rule.

The Amaq News Agency, the group's official propaganda organ, also claimed that the attacker was a Uyghur militant who joined the group and carried out the bombing because the Taliban was working with China to "expel and oust [Uyghurs]" from Afghanistan.

While the bomber's identity has not been independently confirmed, the development gets to the heart of what many analysts say is a central challenge for China as it focuses on counterterrorism in the new Afghanistan.

The base in Tajikistan and the thrust of Beijing’s efforts have concentrated on securing Chinese borders and preventing militants from staging attacks inside the country. But with targeting China itself becoming more difficult, many militants have shifted their focus to Chinese targets spread out across Central and South Asia.

Kyrgyzstan's state security service said that a 2016 suicide bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Bishkek was carried out by an Uyghur militant from TIP and was financed by Al-Qaeda’s Nusra Front. Islamic State, meanwhile, took credit for kidnapping and killing two Chinese teachers in Pakistan in 2017.

Pakistan, which is home to nearly $60 billion worth of Chinese investment into infrastructure through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), also saw a series of violent assaults from different groups against Chinese workers in July and August, including two bombings and a gun attack.

The Kunduz bombing and the spate of attacks across the region highlight the growing array of militant groups targeting Chinese interests and the difficult path ahead for Beijing as it pushes the Taliban to cooperate with its counterterrorism efforts, which are narrowly focused on Uyghur fighters.

According to Ma, if at the urging of China the Taliban targets Uyghur militants too hard, they could begin to "feel threatened and look to partner potentially with other groups, like [IS-K]."

"If you press the Taliban too hard to cooperate, you can undermine their legitimacy and they will have less control over these [fighters],” said Ma. "This is a central dilemma for China."

Written and reported by Reid Standish in Prague with reporting by RFE/RL’s Tajik Service in Tajikistan.

The US Department of Homeland Security on May 12 announced an end to temporary protections for some Afghans living in the United States citing improved security and economic conditions in Afghanistan.

"We've reviewed the conditions in Afghanistan with our interagency partners, and they do not meet the requirements for a TPS (temporary protected status) designation," Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem said in a statement.

"Afghanistan has had an improved security situation, and its stabilizing economy no longer prevent them from returning to their home country," she said.

Noem said the TPS designation for Afghanistan would expire on May 20 and the termination would take effect on July 12.

TPS is designed for foreign citizens who cannot return home because of war, natural disasters, or other "extraordinary" conditions.

The statement said Noem determined that, “overall, there are notable improvements in the security and economic situation such that requiring the return of Afghan nationals to Afghanistan does not pose a threat to their personal safety due to ongoing-armed conflict or extraordinary and temporary conditions.”

Noem was also quoted in the statement as saying that the termination of TPS is in the national interest of the United States "as DHS records indicate that there are recipients who have been under investigation for fraud and threatening our public safety and national security.”

According to the nonprofit AfghanEvac, some 11,000 Afghans are currently covered by TPS in the United States.

"The decision to terminate TPS for Afghanistan is not rooted in reality -- it's rooted in politics," said Shawn VanDiver, president of AfghanEvac.

"Afghanistan remains under the control of the Taliban," VanDiver said in a statement.

"There is no functioning asylum system. There are still assassinations, arbitrary arrests, and ongoing human rights abuses, especially against women and ethnic minorities.

"What the administration has done today is betray people who risked their lives for America, built lives here, and believed in our promises."

Former President Joe Biden extended TPS protections for nationals of several countries in January. President Donald Trump has moved to strip TPS protections from citizens of other countries, including Haiti and Venezuela, as part of a broader crackdown on immigration.

With reporting by AFP

The hard-line Taliban rulers of Afghanistan have "suspended" the holding of chess matches in the country, citing "religious considerations" and claiming it represents a form of "gambling."

A Taliban official on May 11 said a decision will be made on the possible resumption of chess under the auspices of country's sports department, but no time frame was given.

Since returning to power in Afghanistan in August 2021, the Taliban rulers have imposed a series of restrictions on sports and other cultural events.

They have also regularly been assailed by the world community for more serious human rights violation, including the oppression of women and girls.

Women and girls are banned from sports in Afghanistan, and bodybuilding athletes are not allowed to show their thighs to judges and spectators during competitions.

"Chess in Shari'a [Islamic law] is considered a means of gambling," sports directorate spokesman Atal Mashwani was quoted by AFP as saying.

"There are religious considerations regarding the sport of chess," he said.

He also cited concerns with the national Chess Federation, which he said had "some issues on the leadership level."

"Until these considerations are addressed, the sport of chess is suspended in Afghanistan," he added.

Kheybar Farazi, an adviser to the federation, told RFE/RL's Radio Azadi that the decision "shocked me immensely."

He said that since the Taliban came to power, the federation is not officially recognized by the sports directorate due to organizational issues and the absence of officials.

Esmail Jamshidi, a former head of the federation, questioned the Taliban's reasoning, telling Radio Azadi that there is "no religious prohibition" against chess.

"If there were, then all Islamic countries -- including Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Pakistan -- would not have federations for both men and women. Chess is a science, and opposing science is wrong and shameful," he added.

AFP also quoted Azizullah Gulzada, the owner of a Kabul cafe who has hosted informal chess competitions in recent years, as rejecting the suggestion that gambling took place and said chess was allowed in other Muslim-majority countries.

"Young people don't have a lot of activities these days, so many came here," he told AFP.

"They would have a cup of tea and challenge their friends to a game of chess."

With reporting by AFP

Afghanistan's Taliban rulers were shunned by foreign governments after seizing power in 2021, but recently the hard-line militants have notched up some big wins in their diplomatic efforts to forge international ties.

This week, Indian special envoy Anand Prakash was in Kabul for talks with senior Taliban leaders on boosting political and trade links.

That came after Uzbek Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov hosted a Taliban delegation in Tashkent to talk about a proposed trans-Afghan rail link.

And last week, in the biggest win of all, Russia removed the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations and agreed that ambassadors would be appointed in Kabul and Moscow.

Nobody has formally recognized the Taliban regime, yet. The militant rulers have been broadly criticized for widespread human rights violations, particularly against women and girls.

But things are moving toward their ultimate goal of acceptance in international circles.

"There's a growing feeling that the great powers are starting to compete among themselves to recognize a terrorist organization," Afghan political analyst Fakhim Kukhdomani told RFE/RL's Current Time.

China became the first country to accept a Taliban-appointed ambassador in January 2024. It has been edging talks forward on infrastructure and investment as part of its Belt and Road Initiative.

What Does Russia Want In Afghanistan?

Russia has also been seeking to develop economic interests in Afghanistan, especially in the mining and energy sectors. It did, in fact, keep its embassy in Kabul open, merely downgrading it in name after the Taliban seized power.

"The Russian intelligence services never cut their contacts with Taliban commanders," said Kukhdomani.

On security, Russia's main interest is about combatting the Islamic State–Khorasan group , which claimed responsibility for the deadly Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in March 2024.

Aleksei Zakharov, at the Observer Research Foundation (OSR), a Delhi-based think tank, also says that Russia is pursuing an economic agenda in Afghanistan.

"Russian and Taliban representatives are expected to sign a contract transitioning 50 million cubic meters of LPG (liquified petroleum gas) at the KazanForum in May 2025," he wrote on April 28.

This would be aimed at markets in South and Southeast Asia.

"However, the capacity of the route through Afghanistan and security issues may ultimately limit the agreement's implementation," added Zakharov.

There may be similar issues facing the above-mentioned rail project seeking to create a transit corridor from Russia through Uzbekistan and Afghanistan to Pakistan.

India-Pakistan Tensions On The Rise

The Taliban's relations with its southern neighbor are strained, as Islamabad accuses the Taliban of sheltering militants from Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). It said its army had killed 54 fighters "trying to infiltrate" across the border on April 27.

Pakistan has deported some 100,000 Afghan refugees in recent weeks, accusing them of being linked to terrorism and drug smuggling.

These tensions give an added security dynamic to India's attempts to warm ties, as it faces off with Pakistan following the deadly militant attack in Kashmir on April 22.

"India has keenly monitored the fluctuating relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan," Najib Azad, lecturer in global affairs at Wisconsin University, told RFE/RL on April 29.

"[It is] attempting to fill the void and mitigate the anti-Indian sentiments that Pakistan has fostered within the Taliban," added Azad, who was a spokesman for the pre-Taliban Afghan government.

Do Western Countries Talk To The Taliban?

Western powers have been the most strident in distancing themselves from the Taliban, following the withdrawal of their forces in 2021. They have also been the most outspoken in their criticism of the Taliban's human rights abuses.

But here, too, there's movement.

A British government report in March said it was pursuing a policy of "limited and pragmatic" engagement with Taliban officials via its embassy in Qatar.

The incoming German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has called for direct talks with the Taliban leadership to enable deportations of Afghans. A foreign policy spokesman for his Christian Democrats, Juergen Hardt, told RFE/RL in February "the truth is that they are in power."

"There's also the question of recognition," he added.

"I think there should be a common position of the European Union how to handle that. Not yet, but probably under special circumstances."

US officials have already held direct talks. Last month, they were in Kabul to secure the release of Americans held there. In return, Washington lifted the bounties on three members of the Haqqani network, including the Taliban's interior minister.

"It seems to me that Moscow's final decision to remove the Taliban from the list of terrorist organizations was taken after Washington removed the bounties," said Afghan political analyst Fakhim Kukhdomani.

Two Americans were released. But there's a way to go. Several are still detained, while the United States still designates both the Taliban and the Haqqani network as terrorist organizations.

Dangers For The Taliban

Former spokesman Najib Azad says there are also risks for the Taliban as it reaches out for better relations with multiple nations.

"The risk lies in allowing global and regional powers to exploit Afghanistan as a battleground for their rivalries, as has been the case over the past fifty years," said.

"Given the Taliban's inability to maintain a balanced political stance with these powers, they risk becoming a catalyst for renewed instability in the region once again."

Dildar Khan says he's spent his entire life in Pakistan but has now been sent "home" to Afghanistan under a scheme that has seen some 100,000 people deported in recent weeks.

Khan has five children between the ages of 2 and 13. "There are two girls and three boys. They were going to school," he told RFE/RL in a phone interview.

But Afghanistan's Taliban rulers have canceled secondary education for girls since they retook power in 2021.

"It is difficult, very difficult. Because it is important that they are educated," added Khan.

The Pakistani authorities announced a mass deportation campaign in March, accusing Afghans of links to drug smuggling and terrorism.

Other deported Afghans who spoke to RFE/RL also voiced concern about the impact it would have on their children.

"Our children are sad they cannot go to school," said Khan Zaman after being forcibly returned to Kabul from Peshawar in northwest Pakistan.

The Save the Children organization said some 50,000 minors were among those deported in the first two weeks of April alone. The charity's country director, Arshad Malik, said "many of these children were born in Pakistan -- Afghanistan is not the country they call home."

Scarce Jobs In Afghanistan

In a report on April 18, the group noted that many deported families also faced problems finding food, shelter, and work.

Dildar Khan worked as a taxi driver in Pakistan but is now unemployed. He and his family are sheltering in a single room in his brother's house in a mountainous area of the Achin district of Nangarhar Province.

"There is no space. We are living like this. There are no jobs," said Khan.

The family was deported on April 20. At the border, they received some $140 from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) but Khan said they had now run out of money.

Their possessions are stacked outside his brother's house, exposed to the sun and rain. "Our request is that [someone] can find us work so we can make a life," he said.

Imran, a resident of Nangarhar who has six children, told RFE/RL a similar story of a life destroyed by deportation from Pakistan.

"We used to work there, our lives were going well, our children went to schools, madrasahs. Our expenses were covered," he said.

"But when we came here, there are no jobs, we cannot meet our expenses, we are facing a difficult life."

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) stated on April 28 that it was "working around the clock to provide emergency assistance."

But, it added, "the needs are rapidly increasing and more resources are urgently needed."

The exodus from Pakistan has mostly passed through the Torkham border crossing, which has seen long lines of trucks heading northwest along the highway to Jalalabad.

"We have no place to stay in Afghanistan," truck driver Ahmad Nabi told RFE/RL. "I wonder how this situation could impact me…. I don't know."

The Pakistani authorities have set varying deadlines for people to leave, depending on their residency status. More than 800,000 Afghans were estimated to be living in Pakistan without papers after fleeing the Taliban takeover in 2021.

But another 1.4 million have papers issued by the UNHCR, and many have been living in Pakistan for decades.

According to UN figures, some 800,000 Afghans were forcibly expelled prior to this new deportation drive, starting in 2023.

The Taliban authorities have criticized the deportations while also saying they are preparing sites to house deportees. But one site near Torkham visited by AFP recently "consisted of nothing more than cleared roads on a rocky plain."

RFE/RL has been unable to operate freely in Afghanistan since the Taliban regained power in the country.

Pakistani security forces said they killed dozens of militants attempting to cross into the country from Afghanistan, even as its troops separately continued to exchange gunfire with the India military near Kashmir amid skyrocketing tensions in the region.

Islamabad did not directly blame India for the incursion of militants from Afghanistan, but it said the fighters had been sent to carry out terrorist attacks by their "foreign masters."

Some Pakistani officials suggested, without providing evidence, that nuclear-rival India encouraged the insurgents' actions to divert the attention of Pakistan's military from the brewing crisis in Kashmir.

"Such actions by [the insurgents], at a time when India is leveling baseless accusations against Pakistan, clearly implies on whose cues [the fighters are] operating," the Pakistani Army said in a statement.

The military said it killed 71insurgents entering from Afghanistan on April 27 and claimed that intelligence reports indicated the militants were "Khwarij" -- a phrase the government uses for Tehrik-e Taliban, otherwise known as the Pakistani Taliban.

"On the nights of April 25-26 and 26-27, movement of a large group of Khwarij, who were trying to infiltrate through Pakistan-Afghanistan border, was detected by the security forces in general area Hassan Khel, North Waziristan district," the military said.

"Own troops effectively engaged and thwarted their attempt to infiltrate…; A large cache of weapons, ammunition, and explosives was also recovered."

Pakistani Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi told reporters the incident represented the largest number of "terrorists" killed in a single day.

"We had information that the foreign masters of these terrorists are asking them to enter Pakistan as soon as possible" to undertake attacks.

Reuters quoted local police officials on April 28 as saying security forces had detained around 500 people for questioning after a search of some 1,000 houses and forests in a hunt for militants in Indian Kashmir.

What's Behind The New India-Pakistan Escalation?

Tensions have soared in the region between Pakistan and its bitter rival and neighbor India, both nuclear-armed nations.

The latest flareup occurred on April 22 when an attack killed mostly Indian nationals in Indian-controlled Kashmir. India has accused Pakistan of supporting cross-border terrorism, but the Pakistani government denies it was behind the attack that killed 26 civilians.

New Delhi and Islamabad have since carried out tit-for-tat punishments following the incident, including downgrading diplomatic and trade ties, closing the main border crossing, and revoking visas for each other's nationals.

On April 27, Pakistani and Indian troops exchanged fire near Kashmir's Line of Control for a third night in a row.

The Pakistani government has said it would consider it "an act of war" if India followed through on a threat to block the flow of crucial rivers as punishment for the deadly incident.

The United States on April 27 said it was in touch with India and Pakistan and urged them to seek a "responsible solution" to the crisis.

"This is an evolving situation and we are monitoring developments closely. We have been in touch with the governments of India and Pakistan at multiple levels," a State Department spokesperson told Reuters.

In comments to foreign media, Pakistani Information Minister Attaullah Tatar claimed that India blamed Islamabad for the tourist attack to distract Pakistan's security forces from their focus on the tensions on its western borders.

He added that Pakistan had "undeniable evidence" of India's support for the Pakistani Taliban and the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), which is behind multiple attacks in Balochistan. India has denied the charges.

Balochistan has been the site of an insurgency, with separatists seeking independence from Pakistan.

With reporting by AP, Reuters, and AFP

When the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan in 2021, they quickly banned music, declaring it un-Islamic.

Musicians faced threats, raids, and the destruction of their instruments.

“Our homes were searched for what we had there,” says Faiz Muhammad Sakhki, an Afghan musician now living in Peshawar. “Our instruments were broken down, the instruments that we hid at home. Music is our passion, it is our love, and it is our profession.”

Sakhki and fellow musician Baryali Wali are among many Afghans who have sought refuge in Pakistan since the Taliban takeover.

In cities like Peshawar, they have been able to continue performing Afghan music, even as cultural spaces have shrunk elsewhere.

“Here, we can still work playing Afghan music. These possibilities don't exist in the West,” Wali says.

But that fragile lifeline is now under threat.

Since April 1, Pakistan has intensified its deportation of Afghan nationals, with over 50,000 already forced to leave.

For musicians, the stakes are especially high.

Returning to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan would leave them facing an uncertain future and an end to their ability to perform or teach music.

Now, with an uncertain legal status in Pakistan and no clear path forward, these musicians are left in limbo -- unsure how much longer they can remain or whether the rich traditions they carry can survive displacement once again.

They fear that Afghanistan’s musical heritage -- including ancient instruments like the rebab -- is at risk.

“If you take any of these [instruments] away, the whole ensemble is lost,” says Sakhki. “It is already disappearing.”

Russia’s Supreme Court removed Afghanistan's militant Taliban rulers from its list of banned terrorist groups in a step toward recognizing the group that seized power in 2021 as international forces withdrew from the war-torn country.

Russian state news agencies said that in its ruling on April 17, the Supreme Court sided with a petition from the Prosecutor-General's Office, a sign the move is a coordinated policy change with support from top legal and political authorities, who designated the Taliban as a terrorist organization more than 20 years ago.

The suspension of the terrorist designation does not amount to full diplomatic recognition of the Taliban government.

Amid poverty and unrest in the country, the Taliban rulers have made moves to open ties with the rest of the world. But Western nations have been reluctant to engage with the extremist group amid complaints of widespread human rights violations, especially against girls and women.

Russia has not officially recognized the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, nor has it re-established ambassadorial-level relations. However, the April 17 ruling may lay the legal groundwork for expanded cooperation, investment, and potentially future recognition.

Russia officially banned the Taliban in 2003, aligning itself with international counterterrorism standards and reflecting concerns over jihadist movements in Central Asia and Russia's North Caucasus region.

Still, Russia has been one of the few major powers to keep its embassy in Kabul operational during the Taliban regime.

Russian diplomats, intelligence officials, and even business interests have since engaged with Taliban authorities — especially on regional security, counter-narcotics, and economic cooperation, such as potential mining and energy projects.

Russia Looking To Gain Influence

With Moscow eager to strengthen its influence in Central Asia amid growing competition with the West and China’s expanding footprint, Afghanistan has become a critical piece of the regional chessboard.

The court’s decision may also be linked to Moscow’s concerns about the Islamic State–Khorasan group, which has claimed responsibility for several high-profile attacks in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and even within Russia itself — including the deadly Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in March 2024.

Some analysts say Russian officials likely view the Taliban as a lesser evil or even a potential security partner.

The suspension of the ban may spark unease in Central Asian countries such as Tajikistan, which has historically viewed the Taliban with deep suspicion.

While some regional governments have engaged with Kabul out of necessity, fears remain about Taliban-inspired radicalization, border security, and cross-border militancy.

In September 2024, Kyrgyzstan removed the Taliban from its list of banned terrorist organizations, aligning with similar moves by neighboring Kazakhstan earlier that year.

Another Central Asian nation, Uzbekistan, has been at the forefront of engaging with the Taliban, emphasizing economic cooperation and regional connectivity.

China is also cautiously increasing its engagement with the Taliban, including through infrastructure and investment talks under the Belt and Road Initiative.

The Taliban carried out public executions of four individuals on April 11 -- the highest single-day number since it returned to power -- prompting a wave of condemnation from groups around the world.

Local Taliban officials confirmed that the individuals — who were accused of murder — were executed in front of crowds gathered in the western provinces of Farah, Nimroz, and Badghis.

Eyewitnesses at one of the sites, who spoke to RFE/RL's Radio Azadi on condition of anonymity, said family members of the victims shot the accused.

"Their families offered blood money to spare their relatives' lives, but the victims' relatives refused. People here don't fully understand these issues — this kind of event leaves a serious psychological impact," the person said.

In Nimroz province, the Taliban invited civilians, civil servants, and military personnel to witness the execution at a stadium in Zaranj.

"The man was shot by the victim’s family. Watching this scene was unbearable. No one wants to witness a killing, even if it is declared a divine punishment," said one local resident.

The executions, part of the Taliban’s hardline interpretation of Islamic law, are described by the regime as "qisas," or retributive justice.

Since they seized power in August 2021, the Taliban have resumed corporal punishments and public executions, echoing their repressive rule of the 1990s. So far, at least 10 individuals have been publicly executed.

Rights organizations say these punishments are a clear violation of international law.

They say the use of executions as a public spectacle is not only inhumane but also contributes to a culture of fear and trauma in communities already scarred by decades of war and violence.

In a statement posted on X, Amnesty International condemned the executions, calling them "deplorable."

"Afghanistan: The deplorable public executions of four people in Nimroz, Farah and Badghis in Afghanistan today point to Taliban’s continued alarming abuse of human rights in the country. The Taliban de facto authorities continue to flagrantly flout human rights principles," it said.

"The international community must put pressure on the Taliban to stop this blatant human rights abuse and help ensure international guarantees are upheld in Afghanistan."

The Taliban claim that the executions followed "transparent investigations and justice procedures," but the United Nations and multiple human rights bodies have consistently disputed such assertions, citing the absence of a functioning judicial system and lack of due process in Taliban courts.

"We are appalled by executions of four men in the Badghis, Nimroz and Farah provinces this morning," the United Nations rights office said on X, urging "the de facto authorities in Afghanistan to place a moratorium on the use of the death penalty."

Thousands of Afghan refugees in Pakistan have left via the Torkham border crossing as part of Islamabad's large-scale deportation campaign.

The government initially set a March 31 deadline for Afghan nationals to leave voluntarily, but the deadline was extended to April 10. Still, thousands have been forcibly removed since the beginning of the month.

The stepped-up deportation campaign comes as Pakistani authorities charge that "illegal immigrants" pose security concerns and economic challenges.

The Pakistani government has frequently linked Afghan nationals to militant violence and criminal activity -- claims the Taliban-led administration in Kabul firmly denies.

The deportation campaign has sparked strong criticism as authorities move forward with the controversial policy.

Human rights organizations warn that those forced to return to Taliban-ruled Afghanistan may face serious dangers including persecution, violence, and extreme economic hardship. Particularly at risk are vulnerable groups such as women, journalists, human rights advocates, and former government employees.

Pakistan's deportation drive targets Afghan Citizen Card (ACC) holders, undocumented migrants, and those who arrived after the Taliban regained control of Afghanistan.

There are roughly 800,000 ACC holders and 1.4 million Afghans with Proof of Registration (POR) cards issued by the UN refugee agency. While POR holders are currently exempt from deportation -- at least until their permits expire in June -- ACC holders lack such protection. Their temporary residency in Pakistan is subject to the federal government's discretion, with no assurance of extension beyond official deadlines.

This policy creates complications, as members of the same family may have different legal statuses.

Many of those being forced to leave have never lived in Afghanistan and see Pakistan as their only home.

Pakistan’s plan to deport millions of Afghan migrants has drawn sharp criticism as the country begins implementing its controversial policy.

Rights groups warn that many returnees face severe risks in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, including persecution, violence, and economic hardship. Vulnerable individuals such as women, journalists, human rights defenders, and former government officials are particularly at risk.

The government had initially set March 31 as the deadline for Afghan migrants to leave voluntarily or face deportation. However, the deadline was postponed until April 10 due to the Eid al-Fitr holidays marking the end of Ramadan, officials said.

The delay provides a brief reprieve for tens of thousands of Afghans but does not alter the government’s goal of expelling up to 3 million migrants by the end of the year.

Meanwhile, around 40,000 Afghans in Pakistan await uncertain resettlement to third countries, mostly in the West. Many fled after the Taliban’s 2021 return, fearing retribution due to ties with the United States, NATO, and other Western organizations.

Who Is Being Deported?

The deportation campaign targets Afghan Citizen Card (ACC) holders, undocumented individuals, and those who arrived after the Taliban’s return to power.

There are around 800,000 ACC card holders and 1.4 million Afghans who have been issued Proof of Registration (POR) cards by the UN refugee agency. POR card holders are not yet being deported, Pakistani officials say, as their permits expire in June.

ACC holders are granted temporary permission to reside in Pakistan, but the validity and duration of their stay are determined by the federal government. Unlike POR cardholders, ACC holders do not have guaranteed protections against deportation beyond the government’s specified deadlines.

This poses another problem, as members of the same family can hold different immigration statuses.

That’s the case for Rehmat Khan, a man in his 50s who is facing immediate deportation because he is an ACC card holder, while the other members of his family are POR card holders.

“I don’t know how I can leave my family behind, and I don’t know who will support them when I am deported to Afghanistan,” he told RFE/RL’s Radio Mashaal.

Rehmat Khan is one of approximately 20,000 Afghans who live in Jalala refugee camp, some 150 kilometers northwest of Islamabad. Residents of the camp have been formally notified to prepare to leave.

Most of the Afghans in the camp are descendants of refugees who migrated to Pakistan after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Many are in their 30s, meaning they have never lived in Afghanistan and consider Pakistan their home.

The camp functions as a small village, with several schools, houses mostly made of mud, and a makeshift bazaar.

“I am in 11th grade. Sending me back to Afghanistan at this point in the school year will ruin my future,” a student who asked to remain anonymous for security reasons told Radio Mashaal. “There are no educational opportunities there, and I am unfamiliar with the education system. I was born and raised here, and I know this place better than Afghanistan.”

A holding camp to process the relocation of refugees has been established in Landi Kotal in Peshawar, where Frontier Corps paramilitary forces and local police are deployed.

While no refugees are currently housed in the camp, officials expect an influx of families in the coming days as the repatriation process gains momentum.

Rights Groups Alarmed by ‘Cruel’ Deadline

The United Nations has expressed alarm over the plan, warning that some people would be at risk once in Afghanistan.

“We urge Pakistan to continue to provide safety to Afghans at risk, irrespective of their documentation status,” said Philippa Candler, UNHCR's country representative, said in a statement on February 5, when the initial deadline was set.

Amnesty International has also condemned the deportations, calling them a violation of international human rights law.

“The Pakistani government’s unyielding and cruel deadline to remove Afghan refugees shows little respect for international human rights law, particularly the principle of non-refoulement,” Amnesty’s deputy regional director for South Asia, Isabelle Lassee, said on March 26.

She added that portraying Afghan refugees as a threat is “disingenuous” and scapegoats a community that has fled persecution.

Despite mounting criticism, Pakistani officials defend the policy as necessary for national security and resource management.

The Pakistani government has often blamed militant violence and criminal activity on Afghan citizens, allegations rejected by the extremist Taliban-led government in Kabul.

More than 800,000 Afghans who fled Afghanistan after the Taliban’s takeover in 2021 live without papers in neighboring Pakistan.

These undocumented Afghan refugees and migrants face a rapidly approaching deportation order issued by Islamabad requiring them to leave the country by March 31.

Another 1.4 million Afghans who are formally registered with the Pakistani government and who hold a Proof of Residence card issued by the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) have until June 30 to return to their homeland. Many have lived in Pakistan for decades.

The fate of an additional 40,000 Afghans who are waiting to be resettled to third countries, mostly in the West, is unclear.

Pakistan initially said these at-risk Afghans, a group that includes activists, journalists, and former members of the defunct Western-backed Afghan government and its armed forces, must leave or face deportation by March 31. But a source at the Pakistani Interior Ministry told RFE/RL’s Radio Mashaal that the deadline for them to leave the country has been extended to June 30.

Among this group are some 15,000 Afghans who are waiting to be resettled in the United States, although their status remains unclear after President Donald Trump's administration announced that the US Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) would be suspended for at least three months starting on January 27.

“We are left in a deep despair,” said Hina, a 25-year-old Afghan woman who lives with her family in the northwestern Pakistani city of Peshawar.

Her family had been cleared for resettlement in the United States and even booked their flights from Islamabad. But now they are in limbo.

“Our dreams of building a safe future [in the United States] have been shattered,” added Hina. “We can’t return to Afghanistan where our lives will be at risk, nor can we build a stable life in Pakistan.”

Growing Fears

Pakistan has already forcibly deported more than 800,000 undocumented Afghans since 2023, when it launched a major crackdown, according to the UN.

The deportees have returned to a country gripped by devastating humanitarian and economic crises, and many have struggled to access shelter, health care, and food and water.

The deportations have coincided with tensions soaring between the unrecognized Taliban government in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Islamabad has accused the Taliban of sheltering Pakistani militants, a claim rejected by the Afghan militant group.

Ahead of the March 31 deadline, Pakistani police conducted night raids and arbitrarily detained and arrested hundreds of Afghan refugees in the capital, Islamabad, and the nearby city of Rawalpindi, according to international rights groups.

Videos shared on social media show Pakistani police using loudspeakers to order undocumented Afghans to leave Islamabad.

"The problem is that our children go to school here and we have jobs here,” Obaidullah, an undocumented Afghan refugee living in Peshawar, told RFE/RL’s Radio Azadi. “What will we do in Afghanistan?”

Dire Situation

The tens of thousands of Afghans who are awaiting resettlement abroad face a race against time.

Many of them are in a dire financial situation in Pakistan, said Maiwand Alami, who leads an NGO to help Afghan refugees in Islamabad.

“They have sold their homes in Afghanistan, but that money has since run out,” Alami told RFE/RL. “But [their] biggest problem is uncertainty about their immigration cases. Everybody is anxious about it.”

“Afghans in Pakistan are now required to extend their stay every month. It costs 20,000 rupees [about $71] per person which is a lot of money here, especially if you don’t have any income,” Alami said.

The resettlement of Afghans to the West is uncertain amid increasingly anti-migrant sentiment across Europe and the United States.

Trump said the United States “lacks the ability to absorb large numbers of migrants, and in particular, refugees into its communities in a manner that does not compromise the availability of resources for Americans.”

He ordered the suspension of USRAP “until such time as the further entry into the United States of refugees aligns with the interests of the United States.”

An American woman has been released by the Taliban rulers in Afghanistan after being detained since February, the second freeing of a US citizen in the past eight days.

In a video posted by US President Donald Trump on March 29, Faye Hall said she had been released by the Taliban after being detained in the war-torn country last month.

"I've never been so proud to be an American citizen," Hall said in the video. "Thank you, Mr President…God bless you."

Trump thanked Hall for the comments and added: "So honored with your words!"

Former U.S. Special Representative to Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad first announced the release hours earlier on X, saying it had occurred on March 27. He said she was in the care of the Qatari delegation in Kabul.

"American citizen Faye Hall, just released by the Taliban, is now in the care of our friends, the Qataris in Kabul, and will soon be on her way home," said Khalilzad, who has been part of a US team seeking the release of hostages held by the Taliban.

The development came a week after George Glezmann, 66, was released from detention in Kabul following the first visit by a senior US official to Afghanistan since the Taliban seized power in the wake of the withdrawal of international troops in August 2021.

Hall had been detained in February while with a British couple in their 70s, Barbie and Peter Reynolds.

British media said the Reynolds had been operating school projects in Afghanistan for 18 years and had remained in the country despite the Taliban’s return to power.

Reuters quoted a US official as saying Adam Boehler, Washington's special envoy for hostage affairs, had worked with Qatari officials and others to win Hall’s release.

There was no immediate information on the British couple. Their daughter has pleaded for their release, citing health concerns.

Several Americans are still detained in Afghanistan.

Upon his release, Glezmann also thanked Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and others who helped free him.

He told Fox News he was abducted in the streets of Kabul and thrown "into a dungeon with no windows no nothing."

Two other Americans held in Afghanistan were exchanged in late January for a Taliban man imprisoned for life in California on drug and terrorism charges.

Ryan Corbett and William McKenty were swapped for Khan Mohammed, who was sentenced to two life terms in 2008 and was incarcerated in a US prison.

Aid worker Corbett, 40, and Mahmood Habibi, 37 -- who led the Afghan Aviation Authority under the previous Afghan government -- were detained separately in August 2022.

The world community has not recognized the Taliban as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan, although some countries -- including Russia, China, and Turkey -- still maintain embassies in Kabul.

Qatar has also maintained direct contact with the Taliban and has helped broker negotiations for the release of US hostages.

Amid poverty and unrest in the country, the Taliban rulers have made moves to open ties with the rest of the world. Western nations are reluctant to engage with the extremist group amid complaints of widespread human rights violations, especially against girls and women.

With reporting by RFE/RL's Radio Azadi, Reuters, AFP, and AP