Gordana Knezevic writes the Balkans Without Borders blog for RFE/RL. She was the director of RFE/RL's Balkan Service between 2008 and 2016.
It was a dramatic yet little-known chapter of the Bosnian war of the 1990s: the kidnapping of President Alija Izetbegovic. The decisive role in freeing him was played by an Irish army officer, Colm Doyle, who was himself held at gunpoint.
Despite long-shot hopes of a breakthrough in this month's elections, it looks more like Bosnians have to settle for familiar tribal politics -- and a tense calm.
Our "crime," according to Karadzic, was that we did not separate, that we wanted to stay united, that we chose to publish the newspaper together, regardless of ethnicity.
The day before his extradition to The Hague to face charges of war crimes and genocide, Ratko Mladic requested permission from the Serbian authorities to visit the grave of his daughter Ana.
Even if Dick Marty is able to prove the worst of his allegations against Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci and UCK members, it would not erase the crimes committed by Milosevic’s forces. And, crucially, it does not undermine the reasons for NATO intervention in 1999.
Serbia's president traveled this week to Bosnia to preside over the opening of a school in that country's Serbian entity. For many Bosnians, the presence of the Serbian leader was an affront. So was the fact that the school, provocatively named "Serbia," is based in Pale, indicted Bosnian Serb war criminal Radovan Karadzic's former stronghold.
Nationalism in Bosnia is a strong drug that keeps the country deeply divided. Independent voices are not being heard. So where is the global city of Sarajevo that hosted the 1984 Winter Olympics?
I learned an important lesson about war reporting in 1992, when I was covering the conflict in Sarajevo: pay attention to actions, not words, says Gordana Knezevic of RFE/RL's South Slavic and Albanian Languages Service.
