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Steve Gutterman's Week In Russia

The intense fighting around the town of Maryinka in eastern Ukraine has left no building intact.
The intense fighting around the town of Maryinka in eastern Ukraine has left no building intact.

I'm Steve Gutterman, the editor of RFE/RL's Russia/Ukraine/Belarus Desk.

Welcome to The Week In Russia, in which I dissect the key developments in Russian politics and society over the previous week and look at what's ahead. To receive The Week In Russia newsletter in your inbox, click here.

Russia launches a deadly new wave of strikes on Ukraine as the battle for the city of Bakhmut continues. A video purports to show the defiant last moments of a captured Ukrainian soldier's life. Opponents of the war are jailed in Russia, and protesters in Georgia fight against "foreign agent" legislation they say mirrors Russian law.

Here are some of the key developments in Russia over the past week and some of the takeaways going forward.

In The Frame

A captive soldier about to be shot dead. A city razed to the ground. A jailed student activist voicing defiance and resolve in court. A protester, draped in the national flag, facing a line of riot police.

These images, all recent, seem to encapsulate the death and destruction Russia has wreaked with its invasion of Ukraine, the state's still-spiraling clampdown on all forms of dissent at home, and the reverberations abroad of Moscow's conduct.

Famous Last Words

Amid all the horrors of the Russian invasion, a short piece of footage that appears to show a soldier smoking a cigarette and saying "Glory to Ukraine" before being shot multiple times and collapsing to the ground struck a chord in his home country and beyond.

It is particularly grim and graphic, and the message of defiance is particularly clear: The soldier's last words emblemize the resistance Ukrainians have put up against what many in Russia, the West, and elsewhere believed would be the swift subjugation of the nation by force.

A screenshot from the video -- without the words and without the gunfire and its effects -- somehow seems to send the same message.

On March 7, the Ukrainian military's 30th Separate Mechanized Brigade said preliminary information indicated that the soldier it shows was Timofiy Shadura, who served in the brigade and has been listed as missing since February 3 amid fighting in and around Bakhmut, in the Donbas in eastern Ukraine.

Later, however, the military command for northern Ukraine said it was apparently Oleksandr Matsiyevskiy, a soldier with a brigade from the Chernihiv region who was killed on December 30 near Soledar, a few kilometers northeast of Bakhmut, and Matsiyevskiy's mother said she is certain it was her son.

President Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s office said law enforcement authorities will make a formal determination of the soldier's identity.

On March 8, the UN Human Rights Office said it was "aware of this video posted on social media that shows a Ukrainian soldier…apparently being executed by Russian armed forces. Based on a preliminary examination, we believe that the video may be authentic."

The video has added to ever-growing accusations and evidence of war crimes by Russian soldiers since President Vladimir Putin launched a massive and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, dramatically escalating a war that had been simmering in the Donbas since 2014.

According to the Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, signed by Russia, POWs must be guaranteed life and humane conditions of detention. Executions and ill-treatment of prisoners of war are considered war crimes.

'Seizing Rubble'

The footage, if authentic, is also a stark close-up of the situation in and around Bakhmut, which Russian forces have been trying to capture for many months in some of the deadliest and most intense fighting since the invasion.

Military analysts say that the city is of little strategic importance. There's also almost nothing left of it.

"The reality is that if the Russians do capture Bakhmut, they are seizing rubble," Mick Ryan, a former Australian Army major general and an analyst on Russian military doctrine, wrote in a commentary.

Aerial images of Bakhmut and other largely destroyed cities and towns, their buildings either bombed out or razed to the ground -- Soledar, Vuhledar, Mariupol, and Maryinka among them -- provide breathtaking evidence of the enormity of the damage Russia has done to Ukraine.

Of course, such photos make for a superficial picture, only hinting at the extent of human suffering the invasion has caused in Ukraine.

Behind Bars

As it presses its assault on Ukraine, the Russian state under President Vladimir Putin has escalated its already relentless efforts to silence independent voices and stamp out dissent at home.

"Whatever false justifications for this war of aggression have been promulgated by the Kremlin's state-controlled media, its clear purpose is to remove the elected leadership in Kyiv and deprive Ukrainians of their fundamental right to free self-government," the U.S. government-funded democracy and human rights watchdog Freedom House said of the Russian invasion in its annual report, released on March 9.

"In his desire to destroy democracy in Ukraine and deny Ukrainians their political rights and civil liberties, Putin has caused the deaths and injuries of thousands of Ukrainian civilians as well as soldiers on both sides, the destruction of crucial infrastructure, the displacement of millions of people from their homes, a proliferation of torture and sexual violence, and the intensification of already harsh repression within Russia," it said.

That campaign of repression has targeted numerous prominent Kremlin opponents -- as well as countless other Russians.

One of them is Dmitry Ivanov, a math and cybernetics student at Moscow State University and the administrator of a protest blog in which he posted remarks about the conduct of Russian forces in Bucha, Mariupol, and other Ukrainian cities where eyewitnesses, activists, and authorities say they have committed atrocities.

On March 7, Ivanov was sentenced to 8 1/2 years in prison under legislation that criminalizes the distribution of what the government deems deliberately false information about the actions of the Russian armed forces abroad. Putin signed the law eight days after launching the invasion on February 24, 2022.

At trial, the court did not address whether Ivanov's posts were accurate, and he said he stood by everything he wrote. A photo taken at a hearing shows him standing inside a courtroom enclosure and flashing a V sign with his fingers -- in this case not the letter V, which the Kremlin has adopted as part of its war propaganda, but a show of defiance and confidence that truth and justice will eventually prevail in Russia.

Another is Bulat Shumekov, an anti-war activist in the Kemerovo region of Siberia who was sentenced to seven years in prison on March 9 for publications condemning the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

After 16 months in jail, Lilia Chanysheva, the former head of imprisoned opposition leader Aleksei Navalny's office in the Bashkortostan region, faces a court hearing on March 14.

She is charged with crimes that stem from the state's designation of Navalny's regional political network as an extremist group -- a label dismissed by Kremlin critics as absurd and politically motivated -- and could face 18 years in prison.

Another dramatic photograph shot this week was taken in Tbilisi, Georgia, where opponents of a Russian-style "foreign agents" bill took to the streets in protests called by the main opposition party after the government-sponsored legislation won preliminary approval in parliament on March 7.

The nighttime photo shows a protester wearing the red-and-white Georgian flag like a cape and standing on a cobblestone street facing a thick crowd of riot police.

'The Russian Law'

After two nights of protests and clashes in which police fired tear gas, stun grenades, and water cannon at demonstrators, who at one point tried to storm parliament, the government said it would withdraw the bill, and the legislature voted to scrap it on March 10 following a third night of demonstrations.

The Georgian bill was not directly related to Russia or the war in Ukraine. But critics say it echoed Russian "foreign agent" legislation that Putin's government has used as one of the main tools in its campaign to suppress dissent, muzzle independent media, and shutter civil society.

The European Union had sharply criticized the bill and said it would place a hurdle on the country's path to EU membership, which polls indicate is supported by a large majority of Georgians. Opponents of the ruling Georgian Dream party accuse it of being pro-Russian, and protesters chanted "No to the Russian law."

In several former Soviet republics, Russia's invasion of Ukraine has fueled fears that Moscow has designs on them as well and might try to seize parts of their territory, subjugate them though influence on their governments, or otherwise increase its meddling more than 30 years after the U.S.S.R.'s collapse.

Russia has already encroached heavily on Georgian territory, invading the South Caucasus country in 2008 and recognizing two breakaway regions where it maintains troops as independent nations. In Moldova, tensions are high amid claims of a Russian coup plot.

Meanwhile, Russia unleashed rocket, drone, and artillery attacks across much of Ukraine before dawn on March 9, the first assault of its kind in weeks, killing several civilians in areas from the Dnipropetrovsk region in the southeast and Kyiv in the north to the Black Sea port of Odesa and the Lviv region in the west.

Several of the attacks targeted electricity and other infrastructure facilities, causing power cuts in numerous locations and temporarily disrupting the main power supply for the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, Ukrainian authorities said.

"More electricity facilities destroyed this morning," novelist Andrey Kurkov wrote on Twitter. "This is indeed the war between light and total darkness."

RFE/RL intern Ella Jaffe contributed to this report.
At a rally in Moscow nine years ago this month, opposition politician Boris Nemtsov spoke out clearly and adamantly against Moscow's aggression in Ukraine.
At a rally in Moscow nine years ago this month, opposition politician Boris Nemtsov spoke out clearly and adamantly against Moscow's aggression in Ukraine.

I'm Steve Gutterman, the editor of RFE/RL's Russia/Ukraine/Belarus Desk.

Welcome to The Week In Russia, in which I dissect the key developments in Russian politics and society over the previous week and look at what's ahead. To receive The Week In Russia newsletter in your inbox, click here.

Nine years ago, Boris Nemtsov spoke out against Russian aggression in Ukraine. Then he was killed -- and now, a year after Moscow launched its large-scale invasion, some of his closest allies are being jailed for their criticism of what one called a "criminal, unprovoked, and aggressive war."

Here are some of the key developments in Russia over the past week and some of the takeaways going forward.

A Killing Near The Kremlin

At a rally in Moscow nine years ago this month, opposition politician Boris Nemtsov spoke out clearly and adamantly against Moscow's aggression in Ukraine, where Russian forces had occupied Crimea and the Kremlin was fomenting discord in the Donbas.

Less than a year later, Nemtsov was dead -- gunned down on a bridge in the shadow of the Kremlin on February 27, 2015. He was 55.

Not long afterward, it emerged that Nemtsov had been matching his vocal criticism of Russia's actions in Ukraine with efforts to provide damning evidence: He and associates had been working on a report detailing evidence of the extent of Moscow's interference in the neighboring country, which -- like Russia -- became an independent nation with internationally accepted borders when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

With hindsight, it is reasonable to suspect -- as many do -- that Nemtsov was killed to silence perhaps the most prominent Russian critic of Moscow's growing interference in Ukraine. When he spoke at the rally on March 15, 2014, Russia was about to stage a plebiscite that it used -- despite broad international condemnation -- to justify its armed takeover of Crimea.

By the time of his assassination, the Ukrainian Black Sea peninsula was firmly in Moscow's grip and war between Kyiv's forces and Russian-backed separatists -- supported at crucial times by regular Russian troops sent across the border -- was raging in the Donbas, further northeast.

Today, such suspicions seem all the more reasonable in light of the large-scale invasion President Vladimir Putin launched on February 24, 2022.

There's no conclusive evidence that Nemtsov was killed because of his opposition to Russian aggression against Ukraine. That's in part because while five men from the Chechnya region were convicted in 2017, the person or people who ordered the crime have not been identified, let alone arrested or prosecuted -- with many observers suspecting a genuine investigation would likely lead to the Kremlin or the Kremlin-backed leader of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov.

In any case, though, some of Nemtsov's remarks at the rally now seem as prescient as they were passionate.

"I believe that we have no right to behave this way toward a friendly country," Nemtsov said. "It's despicable, it's impudent -- and most important, it is harmful for Russia."

Creating An Enemy

Putin would get "an enemy in the form of Ukraine," he said, and Russia would get a flood of body bags being shipped home to the families of soldiers thrown into battle.

"I have thought for a long time about what arguments Putin has for conducting himself this way -- any argument at all. The simplest answer: He is a sick person, a very mentally ill person," Nemtsov went on. "And then I thought, no, he is not just a sick person. He is also a cynical and despicable person. Using the operation for the occupation and annexation of Crimea, he wants to rule us forever, until Russia dies.... He has decided on open dictatorship."

"We should say no to war!" he thundered. "We should say enough of idiocy! We should say Russia and Ukraine without Putin! Russia and Ukraine without Putin!"

Tens of thousands of people attended the anti-war march and rally at which Nemtsov spoke -- the biggest opposition demonstration since the series of protests in 2011-12 sparked by anger over election fraud and Putin's decision to return to the presidency after a stint as prime minister.

The Kremlin clampdown on dissent that came in response to that challenge intensified after Putin took office in May 2012. The state turned the screws even tighter in 2021, targeting opposition leader Aleksei Navalny and others, and took further steps to crush dissent when it launched the large-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Navalny, who barely survived a nerve-agent poisoning in 2020 that he blames on Putin, is serving a lengthy prison term on charges he says are fabricated. Ahead of the anniversary of the invasion, he issued a 15-point statement condemning the "unjust war of aggression" that he said Putin "unleashed...under ridiculous pretexts."

'Nothing To Discuss'

Navalny called for a Russian withdrawal from all of Ukraine and respect for its borders as "internationally recognized and defined in 1991," writing: "Russia also recognized these borders back then, and it must recognize them today as well. There is nothing to discuss here."

He echoed some of the arguments Nemtsov made nine years ago, writing that the "real reasons for this war are the political and economic problems within Russia, Putin's desire to hold on to power at any cost, and his obsession with his own historical legacy."

Months after Nemtsov's killing, his friend and fellow opposition politician Ilya Yashin presented the report on Russian involvement in the Donbas war, which had been completed by allies of the slain former regional governor and first deputy prime minister.

Yashin, a local lawmaker who was chairman of his Moscow district council in 2017-21, was sentenced to 8 1/2 years in prison in December over criticism of what he has called Russia's "monstrous war" in Ukraine, after being convicted under a law signed by Putin days after the invasion.

The charge stemmed from YouTube posts in which Yashin spoke about the killings of civilians in Bucha, a city outside Kyiv where survivors, rights activists, and Ukrainian authorities say Russian forces committed atrocities before withdrawing following Russia's failure to capture the capital.

Another close Nemtsov associate who is now behind bars is Vladimir Kara-Murza, who has been jailed in Moscow since April 2022 and faces up to 24 years in prison on charges of treason and other crimes. He and allies and Western governments have denounced the charges, saying they are politically motivated.

'A Straitjacket Of False Unanimity'

At an Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) meeting in Vienna on March 2, U.S. Ambassador Michael Carpenter read out a letter from Kara-Murza, whom he called one of "a number of brave Russian citizens within Russia" who "spoke the truth to a brutally oppressive regime that they knew would severely punish them for daring to challenge its lies and propaganda."

In the handwritten letter, Kara-Murza condemned what he called Putin's "criminal, unprovoked, and aggressive war against Ukraine" as well as the clampdown on dissent in Russia, writing: "Just as the goal of Putin's war on Ukraine was to subdue a proud and sovereign nation, the goal of his internal war was to impose a straitjacket of false unanimity on Russian society."

"Today is a very dark time -- for Ukraine, for Russia and for the whole of this organization. But Soviet dissidents liked to say that 'night is darkest before the dawn' and history proved them right," he wrote. "Let us keep faith in a better tomorrow, a time when Russia can have a democratically elected government that will live in peace both with its own citizens and with its neighbors."

That's it from me this week.

If you want to know more, catch up on my podcast The Week Ahead In Russia, out every Monday, here on our site or wherever you get your podcasts (Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spotify, Pocket Casts).

Yours,

Steve Gutterman

RFE/RL intern Ella Jaffe contributed to this report

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About This Newsletter

Week In Russia
Steve Gutterman

The Week In Russia presents some of the key developments in the country over the past week, and some of the takeaways going forward. It's written by Steve Gutterman, the editor of RFE/RL's Russia/Ukraine/Belarus Desk.

To receive The Week In Russia in your inbox, click here.

And be sure not to miss Steve's The Week Ahead In Russia podcast. It's posted here every Monday or you can subscribe on iTunes or on Google Podcasts.

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