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China In Eurasia

Petr Pavel and his wife, Eva Pavlova, greet supporters at his campaign headquarters in Prague after he was declared the winner of the country's January presidential election.
Petr Pavel and his wife, Eva Pavlova, greet supporters at his campaign headquarters in Prague after he was declared the winner of the country's January presidential election.

PRAGUE -- In accepting a 15-minute phone call with his Taiwanese counterpart, Czech President-elect Petr Pavel broke decades of diplomatic protocol and set the stage for a new era of relations between Europe and China -- with his country potentially at the forefront.

The January 30 call with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-Wen came shortly after Pavel was elected as the Czech Republic's next president and drew backlash from Beijing, which condemned the call and accused Prague of trampling its "red line."

The conversation marked a departure from previous norms for dealing with high-ranking politicians from the self-governing island. Official exchanges are often limited to civil servants and the lower levels of ministries. But Pavel became the first elected European head of state to speak directly with a Taiwanese leader.

The move from the incoming Czech president comes as the European Union rethinks its relationship with Beijing -- a process that has been accelerated by China's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, its increasingly aggressive diplomatic rhetoric, and Beijing's continued support for Russia despite its unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.

"We shouldn't let China do to Taiwan what Russia is doing to Ukraine," Petr Kolar, a former Czech diplomat who advises Pavel on foreign policy issues, told RFE/RL in an interview. "I believe what's happening in Ukraine is because of [Europe's] lack of a clear message to Russia over the years. This was a wake-up call, and it shows how important it is to show from the very beginning that fellow democracies like Taiwan won't be abandoned."

Taiwan and China split in 1949 following a civil war. From the 1970s onward, most countries established formal ties with Beijing, leaving Taipei with few official friends as China's political and economic power has expanded globally. Beijing views Taiwan as a rogue province and has vowed to unify it with mainland China -- even by force, if necessary.

In breaking diplomatic precedent, Kolar said the Czech Republic now finds itself well-positioned to "influence or persuade" other European leaders to break new ground in their engagement with Taipei. In recent years, a slew of European lawmakers from a handful of countries have visited Taipei and met with the Taiwanese leadership, drawing Beijing's ire.

A former NATO general, Pavel has set the stage for continued outreach to Taiwan. On the campaign trail and following the call with Tsai, he vowed to meet the Taiwanese president in person -- although he has not specified when, where, or in what format the meeting would take place.

"The [phone call] breaks the ice for doing this," Martin Hala, a China expert at Charles University in Prague and the director of Sinopsis, a project that tracks Chinese influence across Europe, told RFE/RL. "Now that someone has done it, others are more likely to follow."

Prague's Path Ahead

Pavel's shift on China and Taiwan marks a clear break with his predecessor, incumbent Czech President Milos Zeman, who will remain in office until March.

Czech President Milos Zeman (right) drinks beer with Chinese leader Xi Jinping during a 2016 state visit to Prague.
Czech President Milos Zeman (right) drinks beer with Chinese leader Xi Jinping during a 2016 state visit to Prague.

During Zeman's 10-year tenure -- divided over two five-year terms -- he courted stronger ties with China and toed a pro-Beijing line on many human rights issues in hopes of attracting greater Chinese investment. In a move that drew international attention and criticism at home, Zeman appointed Ye Jianming, a former chairman of China Energy Company, as his honorary economic adviser. The billionaire was detained in 2018 by Chinese authorities and his whereabouts are still unknown.

Kolar -- a political consultant who previously served as Prague's ambassador to Russia -- says Pavel is looking to align his foreign policy views with the Czech Republic's postcommunist tradition of backing democracy and human rights globally.

He says the support for Taiwan should be seen as part of a broader paradigm shift in Europe shaped by Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

On the campaign trail, Pavel backed strong European support for Ukraine and said his first foreign trip as president will be to Kyiv alongside Slovak President Zuzana Caputova. The invasion of Ukraine is "a reminder that European democracies need to be focused on China's aggression towards Taiwan," he said. "We need to show support now so that [Beijing] won't be tempted to use force later like Russia has."

Czech President-elect Petr Pavel is greeted by Slovak President Zuzana Caputova on stage during election night in Prague in January.
Czech President-elect Petr Pavel is greeted by Slovak President Zuzana Caputova on stage during election night in Prague in January.

Under the Czech Constitution, the presidency holds mostly ceremonial powers, but presidents can wield significant informal influence over key decisions, especially in foreign policy. The office remains separate from the government led by the prime minister, which holds formal power to govern and craft policy.

But unlike Zeman, Pavel's views on Taiwan, Russia, and other foreign policy issues align with Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala's coalition government, potentially ushering in a rare era of unity.

Taiwan, which is critical to global supply chains, has become a larger investor than China in the Czech Republic and Taiwanese companies continue to expand their links to Europe.

Taiwan produces over 90 percent of the world's semiconductors, which are crucial for manufacturing a variety of everyday and high-tech products that are vital to economies around the world.

"Taiwan understands that there is an opportunity now as Europe is in the process of rethinking its relationship with China," Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy, a fellow at National Dong Hwa University in Taiwan and a former adviser to the European Parliament, told RFE/RL. "Individual member states in the EU are more willing to speak out and offer new forms of support for Taiwan. Taipei is hoping to harness that."

A New Reality In Central And Eastern Europe

In response to Pavel's phone call with Tsai, Beijing accused the Czech Republic of violating the "One China Principle," under which Beijing considers itself as the only legitimate government of China and views Taiwan as a breakaway province.

Only 13 countries and the Vatican have official diplomatic relations with Taiwan and recognize the island of 24 million people as an independent state. Many Western governments do not openly contest China's claim to Taiwan, but they do not support it either.

"It is in the interest of [the Czech Republic] to strengthen relations with Taiwan and other democratic partners in the Indo-Pacific region," Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavsky told Politico in a recent interview. "We have our own 'one China' policy. Nothing has changed."

Offering formal recognition to Taiwan is not in the cards for Prague or other EU countries. But analysts and officials acknowledge that countries in the bloc could take a bolder line toward Beijing and Taipei.

This shift has been brewing in the Czech Republic and across Central and Eastern Europe -- with the exception of Hungary -- for several years. Czech Senate Chairman Milos Vystrcil led a delegation to Taiwan in 2020 and the Czech and Slovak parliaments welcomed Taiwanese Foreign Minister Joseph Wu for unprecedented visits in 2021.

Taiwanese Foreign Minister Joseph Wu (right) is presented with a commemorative medal by Czech Senate speaker Milos Vystrcil during his 2021 visit to Prague.
Taiwanese Foreign Minister Joseph Wu (right) is presented with a commemorative medal by Czech Senate speaker Milos Vystrcil during his 2021 visit to Prague.

Beijing's so-called "17+1" initiative -- China and 17 Central and Eastern Europe states -- has unraveled in recent years. Lithuania withdrew in 2021, and Estonia and Latvia followed suit after Russia's invasion of Ukraine and China's support for Moscow. Other members, such as the Czech Republic and Slovakia, have not formally left, but havedialed down their engagement with the format.

"Our relationship with China is under revision," Lipavsky told The New York Times in a February interview. "A new geopolitical reality has arisen."

A U.S. fighter jet shot down the Chinese balloon on February 4 off the eastern coast of the United States.
A U.S. fighter jet shot down the Chinese balloon on February 4 off the eastern coast of the United States.

Welcome back to the China In Eurasia briefing, an RFE/RL newsletter tracking China’s resurgent influence from Eastern Europe to Central Asia.

I’m RFE/RL correspondent Reid Standish, and here’s what I’m following right now.

An Own Goal?

This was supposed to be the week in which U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken made a long-awaited trip to China and began dialing down tensions between Beijing and Washington.

Instead, an international incident over a Chinese spy balloon traversing the United States led to the trip being postponed and raised wider questions about deepening competition -- and the risk of escalation -- with China.

Finding Perspective: The episode may be more damaging to China’s leadership than to that of the United States.

Beijing has stepped up its diplomacy in recent months -- exemplified by Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s conciliatory tone during the Bali G20 summit in November -- as it emerges from its COVID lockdowns and looks to offer a friendlier face to quell growing resentment in some corners of the world stage.

Chinese officials have cast the balloon as a civilian meteorological device that drifted off course and decried the United States for shooting it down.

But many analysts also believe the incident has probably taken Xi and senior leaders by surprise.

Beijing gains little from sabotaging Blinken’s visit and squandering an opportunity to calm down growing military tensions and an expanding trade war with Washington, especially as China looks to kick-start its economy.

From this perspective, the balloon incident looks more and more like an own goal by Beijing.

Why It Matters: While this incident is the tip of the iceberg for the regular back-and-forth spy game between China and the United States, it’s Beijing that is left triaging the fallout.

In the United States, this has strengthened the already strong belief in Congress that China is a major threat to the country. Rising partisan hot air around the balloon also means that domestic politics will make it difficult for dialogue to pick back up any time soon.

In Europe, meanwhile, this incident will increase the growing scrutiny of China that has expanded amid Beijing's support for Russia following its invasion of Ukraine.

China has tried to signal some daylight between it and Moscow of late, but deep doubts remain in Brussels. Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Ma Zhaoxu recently visited Moscow and said that Beijing wants to work with Russia to advance their relationship this year. Xi is also expected to travel there later this spring for a state visit.

Is China Helping Russia Get Around Sanctions?
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The balloon incident, coupled with continued outreach to the Kremlin, are likely to dispel any remaining illusions and make it even more difficult for Europe to straddle its sometimes awkward line between China and the United States.

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  • According to an analysis of Russian customs data by The Wall Street Journal and C4ADS, a Washington-based nonprofit that specializes in identifying national-security threats, “Chinese state-owned defense companies [are] shipping navigation equipment, jamming technology, and jet-fighter parts to sanctioned Russian government-owned defense companies.”

Expert Corner: China's Deflated Balloon Response

Readers asked: “Is there any evidence that this spy balloon saga in the United States caught the Chinese off guard?”

Here’s what Etienne Soula, a research analyst at the German Marshall Fund’s Alliance for Securing Democracy, has to say:

“It appears that the significance of the incident took the Chinese authorities by surprise. As late as [February 3], when foreign media questions made it apparent that the story was blowing up, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was giving curt and dismissive answers instead of trying to get ahead of the story.

"Despite a few wolf warriors like the consul general in Belfast or the Chinese Embassy in France trying to set the tone on [February 4], the MFA only put out an official statement deploring what it deemed an [American] overreaction on [February 5]. In [the following] press conference, the Chinese MFA's spokesperson seemed once more thrown off by Western journalists’ questions about more Chinese balloons flying over other parts of the globe.”

Do you have a question about China’s growing footprint in Eurasia? Send it to me at StandishR@rferl.org or reply directly to this e-mail and I’ll get it answered by leading experts and policymakers.

Three More Stories From Eurasia

1. From Prague To Taipei

The Czech Republic elected a new president on January 28, and he’s already made waves by accepting a congratulatory phone call from Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen and risking backlash from Beijing in the process.

The Details: On January 30, President-elect Petr Pavel -- a former general who served as head of NATO's military committee from 2015-18 -- became the first elected European head of state to accept a call from Taiwan’s president.

Western leaders traditionally adopt an under-the-radar approach to dialogue with Taipei and refrain from direct political contact with Taiwanese authorities, typically limiting official exchanges to the level of civil servants or to individual parliamentarians.

But tensions over Taiwan and Beijing’s growing military threats toward the self-ruling island that it claims as its own territory, especially since Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, have attached greater urgency to the issue and seen it grow in prominence across Europe.

All eyes have since been on the Chinese response, especially given that Pavel also raised the possibility on the campaign trail and in a tweet following the call of an in-person meeting with Tsai.

So far, Beijing’s reaction has been boilerplate, simply voicing displeasure with the call and urging Prague to uphold the “One China Principle.”

As RFE/RL’s Rikard Jozwiak and I unpacked in the last episode of the Talking China In Eurasia podcast, Beijing is in the process of a charm offensive with Brussels meant to mend ties with Europe and may now be cautious of reacting too harshly against the Czech Republic, which could jeopardize the attempted rapprochement with the European Union.

2. A Friendly Message

The Chinese spy balloon received wall-to-wall coverage across the United States and was unsurprisingly a top story inside China as well, but an analysis by the German Marshall Fund shows that Russian state media outlets moved quickly to help push China’s narrative.

What You Need To Know: According to the German Marshall Fund’s Hamilton 2.0 monitoring dashboard, which tracks how Chinese and Russian state-linked accounts are molding the online information space, Russian outlets echoed a similar line that derided the American decision to shoot down the balloon and that it was a purely civilian venture.

As stated in the Marshall Fund’s analysis, Russian state media “peppered their factual reporting with stories and memes that support the Chinese version of events,” with RT especially adopting the line that the Pentagon overreacted.

It’s another small case study that supports a larger trend of Chinese and Russian state media converging around big events and boosting each other's messaging.

3. An Energy Wildcard

Europe’s energy outlook is far more positive than many analysts predicted at the onset of winter, but as China reopens, European leaders are now looking to next winter, where a growing Chinese energy appetite could lead to price volatility as both Brussels and Beijing compete for supplies.

What It Means: As I reported here, the key element is uncertainty.

Gas prices have fallen back to prewar levels, but they could once again be affected next winter when China, reopening after years of COVID lockdowns, will be competing for a limited supply of liquefied natural gas (LNG) in an already tightening market, which when coupled with rising global demand for energy -- from oil to coal -- will likely hit consumers hard and contribute to soaring food and services inflation.

But there’s a growing list of unknowns, which makes planning ahead extremely difficult for European leaders, especially with questions still swirling over how big Chinese demand will be and how it will affect Europe.

According to one school of thought, Beijing's energy policy could actually indirectly support Europe.

An economic rebound in China will increase its appetite for LNG, but Beijing’s push to also increase pipeline imports of gas, use more coal, and expand its domestic gas production could contain the rise in Chinese demand on the LNG market in 2023.

According to this view, competition for LNG supplies will be limited, which when coupled with Europe expanding its pipeline imports from suppliers like Norway and Algeria, could head off gloomy predictions of a winter gas scramble.

Across The Supercontinent

Under Review: According to The Wall Street Journal, the U.S. Treasury and State departments are weighing new sanctions on a handful of Chinese surveillance companies over sales to Iran’s security forces as authorities use the technology to crack down on protests in the country.

Not Giving Up: A small but dedicated group in Kazakhstan continues to petition the government to help them learn the whereabouts of their relatives who they believe have disappeared into China’s vast internment system in Xinjiang, RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service reports.

From Canada To Xinjiang: Canada’s parliament voted unanimously on February 1 to start a refugee program to resettle 10,000 Uyghurs fleeing persecution in China.

Ottawa now has until May 12 to come up with the outline for the program that the motion passed by lawmakers says should start in 2024 and meet its target within two years.

Eyes On The Street: Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs has put forward a proposal to add 500 new facial recognition cameras in the capital, Bishkek, RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service reports.

The Central Asian country already installed its first batch of cameras through a Smart City deal with China in 2019. And while the ministry has not yet said where the new equipment will come from, promotional videos show cameras with a Tiandy logo, a Chinese supplier.

One Thing To Watch

Washington said it does not plan to return the debris from the Chinese spy balloon shot down on February 4 to Beijing.

For a note of comparison, an American spy plane had to make an emergency landing at a Chinese military base in 2001 after a Chinese jet collided with it in international airspace over the South China Sea. China did eventually return the aircraft, but only after spending months examining it.

It’s unclear so far if China has formally asked for it to be returned, but it’s clear that this incident will continue to offer more twists and turns down the line.

That’s all from me for now. Don’t forget to send me any questions, comments, or tips that you might have.

Until next time,

Reid Standish

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About The Newsletter

In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

Subscribe to this weekly dispatch in which correspondent Reid Standish builds on the local reporting from RFE/RL’s journalists across Eurasia to give you unique insights into Beijing’s ambitions and challenges.

To subscribe, click here.

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