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China In Eurasia

Former Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi stands next to the EU and Chinese flags as he waits for the arrival of European Council President Charles Michel in Brussels in 2019.
Former Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi stands next to the EU and Chinese flags as he waits for the arrival of European Council President Charles Michel in Brussels in 2019.

Welcome back to the China In Eurasia briefing, an RFE/RL newsletter tracking China's resurgent influence from Eastern Europe to Central Asia.

I'm RFE/RL correspondent Reid Standish and here's what I'm following right now.

Beijing, Moscow, And The New Europe

China is aiming to improve relations with the West, particularly its ties with Europe, which have been hurt by Beijing's support for Russia throughout Moscow's invasion of Ukraine.

But as I reported here, the Chinese charm offensive is getting a skeptical reception in Brussels.

Finding Perspective: In a move that has been gathering steam since late last year in the aftermath of Beijing's Chinese Community Party congress, China is looking to mend fences as it emerges from the isolation of its strict COVID-19 policies and shift from the aggressive "wolf warrior" rhetoric of recent years.

This was on display at the World Economic Forum in Davos, where Chinese officials like Vice Premier Liu He offered a gentler tone as part of a foreign policy rebrand targeting Western governments and investors.

Can China Win Back Europe?
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On a similar note, Politico reported that Wang Yi, the former Chinese foreign minister who now oversees foreign affairs on the 24-person Politburo, is slated to go on a European tour in February that could also see a meeting in Brussels with the EU's top brass.

Beyond that, there are also attempts from Beijing to signal disapproval with Moscow's war in Ukraine, including recent anonymous comments to the Financial Times from senior Chinese officials who called Russian President Vladimir Putin "crazy" and said that Russia will emerge as a "minor power" from the war.

Why It Matters: Beijing faces an uphill battle in repairing its image in Brussels.

EU officials who spoke to RFE/RL say that Brussels is in "wait and see" mode with China and so far hasn't seen much that signals a true change in policy or any new daylight between it and Moscow.

That's not to say that the EU won't engage with China -- especially after years of limited contacts -- but rather that so far Beijing's rebrand is largely viewed as cosmetic with very little substance to it.

This is particularly true for signals of newfound distance between China and Russia.

Both countries' economies continue to become more integrated and a recent report from Bloomberg that the Biden administration confronted Beijing with evidence suggesting some Chinese state-owned companies may be providing assistance for Russia's war in Ukraine points to ties getting even stronger.

Read More

● Europe's China policy is hardening, but there is still a gap between how Brussels and Washington approach Beijing. Read the interview with French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire here.

● Another change for how Europe approaches China set off by Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a wider reevaluation of dependencies. One of the largest is a reliance on China for lithium-ion battery cells for electric cars. A new report by the renewable energy campaign group Transport and Environment said that Brussels was on track to produce enough battery cells by 2027 to meet demand and cut China from its supply chains.

Expert Corner: Ukraine And China After One Year

Readers asked: "After nearly a year of war in Ukraine and China sticking with Russia, how has Kyiv changed its policy towards Beijing?"

To find out more, I asked Yurii Poita of the Kyiv-based Center for Army, Conversion, and Disarmament Studies:

"First, Ukraine's expert community and media have become more critical of China, especially over its so-called 'pro-Russian neutrality,' where China does not provide military and military-technical assistance to Russia, but still deepens relations and provides economic, informational, and diplomatic support to Moscow.

"Second, there has been a reassessment of China as a driver of economic growth and a potential safety cushion for Ukraine. Despite a strategic partnership and growing economic ties between Beijing and Kyiv, Ukraine has not been able to change China's position on the war in its favor. Attempts by the Ukrainian leadership to reach China through diplomacy and the media and convince it to influence Russia or to act as a security guarantor in some sort of postwar deal have completely failed. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has not even been able to get a phone call with Xi.

"At the moment, the opinion that China cannot be a strategic partner is becoming stronger in Ukraine. A search is now under way for a new formula for relations with China that would meet Ukraine's national interests while also taking into account strategic competition between Beijing and Washington and China's position regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war. The office of the president still hopes to involve China in resolving the war, however, these hopes are gradually fading."

Do you have a question about China's growing footprint in Eurasia? Send it to me at StandishR@rferl.org or reply directly to this e-mail and I'll get it answered by leading experts and policymakers.

Three More Stories From Eurasia

1. Whitewashing Xinjiang

The former grand mufti of Bosnia-Herzegovina is facing accusations of helping to whitewash Beijing's human rights abuses in Xinjiang after he visited China's western province and praised the Chinese Communist Party's policies, Meliha Kesmer and Predrag Zvijerac of RFE/RL's Balkan Service reported.

The Details: Mustafa Ceric, who served as grand mufti from 1999 to 2012, attended a well-publicized tour of Xinjiang with Islamic clerics and scholars earlier this month where he and others praised Beijing's harsh policies to Chinese media.

The comments echoed Beijing's justification for its treatment of Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim groups in Xinjiang, which has been the site of a brutal crackdown launched by Beijing in recent years that swept up more than 1 million people in detention camps and prisons.

Ceric has since found himself in hot water at home, with Bosnia's Islamic authorities looking to distance themselves from his comments. The current grand mufti's office said they don't agree with Ceric and that they "have different views, based on the information that we have."

2. Looking At China's Coming Year In Central Asia

After a year where Russia's invasion of Ukraine upended the status quo in Eurasia and saw Xi Jinping secure a new five-year term as China's leader, what can we expect from the coming year and how might China adapt to a changing reality on the ground?

What You Need To Know: We explored this in the latest episode of Talking China In Eurasia, RFE/RL's new podcast that I host.

Along with RFE/RL Central Asia correspondent Chris Rickleton and Bradley Jardine from the Wilson Center, we looked ahead at what this year could hold for Beijing in the region as it navigates Central Asian governments trying to distance themselves from Moscow and a quickly changing security situation.

Take a listen and don't forget to subscribe on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever else you like to listen.

3. Minerals, China, And Afghanistan

Taliban officials arrested five men, including two Chinese nationals, for allegedly trying to smuggle an estimated 1,000 metric tons of lithium-bearing rocks out of Afghanistan.

What It Means: Authorities said that the Chinese nationals and their Afghan counterparts were planning to illegally transport the valuable minerals to China through Pakistan.

The Taliban banned extraction and sale of lithium since reclaiming power in Afghanistan in August 2021 and Afghanistan reportedly sits on an estimated $1 trillion worth of rare-earth minerals, including huge deposits of lithium.

Afghanistan's resources are of key interest to Beijing and Chinese companies have secured the rights to several mines and valuable deposits. Most recently, China's Xinjiang Central Asia Petroleum and Gas Company (CAPEIC) signed a deal earlier this month to extract oil from the Amu Darya Basin located in the northern part of Afghanistan, RFE/RL's Radio Azadi reported.

CAPEIC will invest $150 million in one year and $540 million in the next three years. The deal fits with a wide trend of China exploring low-risk and long-term deals in Afghanistan.

Time will tell on how the investment bears fruit, but expectations should remain low. Despite owning rights to other resource deposits in the country, China is still hesitant about the security situation in the country and the safety of its own citizens, who are increasingly becoming a target for extremist groups like the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K).

Across The Supercontinent

Cold Snap: Central Asia is grappling with a cold winter and worsening energy crisis, RFE/RL's Chris Rickleton reports.

Unlike in past years, energy shortages are also hitting major cities and beginning to spark pushback. Already the mayor of Tashkent -- Uzbekistan's capital -- has been removed from office, as have several other top officials.

Drilling Down: Miners protested over working conditions at the Bor copper mine in Serbia, which is owned by Zijin, China's largest gold miner and one of its top copper producers. Watch the video from RFE/RL's Balkan Service here.

Blocked: The European Court of Human Rights ordered Malta to stop the forcible removal of a Uyghur couple that has been trying to claim asylum in the country since 2016.

According to the Spanish NGO Safeguard Defenders, Maltese immigration authorities were planning to deport the couple to China and did not accept their legal case that a return to Xinjiang would place them in imminent harm.

Editorial Control: As outlined in a new report from the European Parliament's special committee on foreign interference, Russia, China, and corruption are the biggest threats to European democracy.

The report, which was seen by RFE/RL's Hungarian Service, takes aim at China's growing stake in the continent's media. According to the document, state-linked investors have spent nearly 3 billion euros ($3.3 billion) in European media companies in the last decade, where they often have a controlling stake.

One Thing To Watch

Chinese policymakers have recently unveiled potential stimulus for property developers to support a sector that has been hit by a wave of defaults over the past 18 months, but questions remain whether Beijing can avert a nose dive.

In China, about 90 percent of new homes are sold before they are built. This presale model allows developers to raise cash quickly, but shifts much of the risk to buyers. The dynamic sparked widespread protests and mortgage boycotts last year as many prospective buyers felt the financial crunch.

The government tightened financing rules for developers in the hope of preventing a housing-sector collapse and in a positive sign, bonds issued by China's highly indebted real estate developers have rebounded sharply over the past two months.

With the Chinese economy slowing down and facing added pressures, how the authorities navigate the property sector -- which accounts for roughly a quarter of the economy -- will play a major role in shaping its future outlook.

That's all from me for now. Don't forget to send me any questions, comments, or tips that you might have.

Until next time,

Reid Standish

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your inbox every other Wednesday.

Chinese leader Xi Jinping (left) and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen speak via video conference during an EU-China summit in April.
Chinese leader Xi Jinping (left) and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen speak via video conference during an EU-China summit in April.

In a shift that has been gathering steam since late last year, China is aiming to improve relations with the West and particularly its ties with Europe, which have been hurt by Beijing's support for Russia throughout its invasion of Ukraine.

But the Chinese charm offensive -- part of a diplomatic push that seeks to move away from the aggressive "wolf warrior" rhetoric of recent years and offer promises of enhanced economic cooperation to repair relations -- is being met skeptically in Brussels, according to European Union officials who spoke to RFE/RL.

This newfound push began late last year with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz traveling to Beijing and Chinese leader Xi Jinping offering a message of cooperation at the G20 summit in Bali, Indonesia. Since then, Chinese diplomats have stepped up their work, with increased outreach to investors and governments at forums like the annual gathering of political and business elites in Davos, Switzerland, and a potential visit to Brussels in February by Wang Yi, the former Chinese foreign minister who was recently promoted to oversee foreign affairs on the 24-person Politburo, the Communist Party's ruling body.

Chinese officials have also sought to signal distrust with Moscow and express veiled criticism over its invasion of Ukraine recently, with one senior official telling the Financial Times earlier this month that Russian President Vladimir Putin was "crazy."

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (left) meets with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Beijing in November.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (left) meets with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Beijing in November.

The course correction will influence the future direction of one of the world's largest trade relationships, which could have far-reaching repercussions for Europe, Asia, and how closely Brussels aligns itself with Washington's increasingly tough China policy. With the stakes high, EU officials say they are closely watching the Chinese outreach but remain suspicious of any attempts to signal daylight between it and Russia.

"I don't see a revolutionary change," an EU official who asked to remain anonymous in order to speak to the media told RFE/RL, adding that China's outreach so far seemed to lack substance and may be more rhetorical.

"I think China needs to rehabilitate itself a bit first," said another EU official in reference to the Chinese initiatives in recent years that led to a downturn in relations with the bloc.

A Charm Offensive

Beijing faces an uphill battle in repairing its image in Brussels.

China and the EU have sparred over issues like Beijing's military posturing in Taiwan, economic espionage, and well-documented human rights abuses against Uyghurs and other mostly Muslim minorities in Xinjiang. But China's backing of Russia in its war against Ukraine has hardened a foreign-policy shift that was already under way within the 27-country bloc.

In February 2022, just weeks before the invasion, Xi and Putin declared a "no limits" partnership between their two countries. Amid the war, Beijing has sought to portray itself as neutral but still provided diplomatic support for Moscow. It has also aimed to boost trade with its partner while still observing Western sanctions against Russia.

EU officials say they don't view Beijing's outreach as a broader foreign-policy reset, but rather as part of a drive for "normalization" after years of heightened tensions and international isolation for China and its officials due to the pandemic.

"China's charm offensive may find less fertile ground in the EU than in the past," Francesca Ghiretti, an analyst at the Berlin-based think tank MERICS, told RFE/RL. "But after so many years of limited contact, there is a strong appetite to have exchanges and engage with China."

Beijing seems to have picked up on this fact. Wang's European tour -- which was first reported by Politico -- is hoping to capitalize on a desire to return to calm and entice European leaders with economic opportunities in a newly reopened China.

Similar rhetoric was seen from Chinese Vice Premier Liu He at the World Economic Forum in Davos on January 21, where he pitched a more conciliatory Beijing that not only "must open up wider" but also must make itself "work harder" to expand trade ties.

Beijing is also looking to quell unease by reaching out to Washington. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken is expected to travel to China in early February, and Liu recently met with U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen in Switzerland, where she was also invited to visit China.

But perhaps China's strongest card to play is its complex relationship with Russia.

Throughout the war, Beijing has dangled its ability to use its warm ties with the Kremlin as a potential peacemaker and as an avenue to restrain Putin's implied threats to use nuclear weapons in Ukraine.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) speaks with Chinese leader Xi Jinping at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Uzbekistan in September.
Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) speaks with Chinese leader Xi Jinping at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Uzbekistan in September.

In an article for the Financial Times, multiple senior Chinese officials -- speaking anonymously -- sought to highlight that the benefits of the relationship with Russia are being reevaluated in Beijing and that China did not know in advance about Putin's invasion plans.

The same officials also added that they believe Russia will not succeed in achieving its war aims in Ukraine and will be left as a "minor power" on the global stage as a result of the grinding conflict.

Another sign of potential reassessment is the demotion of Le Yucheng. Until June, Le was a deputy foreign minister and the ministry's leading Russia hand who also surfaced in rumors as Wang's potential successor as foreign minister. However, he has since been reshuffled as deputy head of the National Radio and Television Administration.

Finding A New Normal

Andrew Small, a senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin and the author of No Limits: The Inside Story Of China's War With The West, says that while Beijing is eager to reach out to repair its relationship with Europe, it so far hasn't offered up much in return.

"They see that they get credit for doing modest things that don't hurt their bilateral ties but still convince some in the West that there is room to maneuver with Moscow when there likely isn't," Small told RFE/RL in reference to statements made by Xi with Scholz during their November 2022 summit, where the Chinese leader condemned the use of nuclear weapons.

"Those comments about nuclear weapons have been standard Chinese policy for years," Small said. "There is no indication that China wants to do anything of substance that will put pressure on Russia."

Small adds that Beijing today finds itself in a much weaker position than even a year ago, with less confidence in its economic outlook, internal questions over its handling of COVID-19, and doubts over whether its relationship with Russia is the strategic prize China's leadership once thought it was.

A Chinese official walks by the EU and Chinese flags during talks in Brussels in late 2020.
A Chinese official walks by the EU and Chinese flags during talks in Brussels in late 2020.

Still, the EU has stated in the past that it has a multifaceted view of China, seeing it as a rival but also sometimes a partner, which leaves the door open to future engagement.

China is also hoping that its charm offensive will resonate among Europe's business community, which is still enthralled by economic opportunities in the Chinese market.

But Beijing's ultimate prize could be resuming a now-frozen investment treaty between China and the EU that was sidelined in 2021 due to Beijing blacklisting a group of European lawmakers, experts, and diplomats over the bloc's sanctioning of four Chinese officials for rights violations in Xinjiang.

Reviving the trade pact would require China lifting its sanctions, which would be a goodwill gesture that could lower the guard of European officials. But Beijing has so far been unwilling to do this unless the EU follows suit, an unlikely and lengthy process given that the bloc's sanctions can't be lifted without proof of improvement in the human rights situation in Xinjiang.

"China is in a more fragile position now than it planned, but there still isn't much to show that they're willing to make any concessions or do something of substance to change minds," Small said. "At the moment, it just looks like their pitch is a less obnoxious form of diplomacy."

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About The Newsletter

In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

Subscribe to this weekly dispatch in which correspondent Reid Standish builds on the local reporting from RFE/RL’s journalists across Eurasia to give you unique insights into Beijing’s ambitions and challenges.

To subscribe, click here.

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