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China In Eurasia

An aerial view shows containers and cargo vessels at the Qingdao port in China’s Shandong Province in May.
An aerial view shows containers and cargo vessels at the Qingdao port in China’s Shandong Province in May.

Welcome back to the China In Eurasia briefing, an RFE/RL newsletter tracking China’s resurgent influence from Eastern Europe to Central Asia.

I’m RFE/RL correspondent Reid Standish and here’s what I’m following right now.

The Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine has upended Russia’s importance as an overland shipping route along China’s Belt and Road (BRI), forcing Beijing to pursue alternatives in Central Asia and the Caucasus, I reported here.

Finding Perspective: The main alternative is the roughly 6,500-kilometer network of roads, railroads, and ports stretching across Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, and into Europe known as the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route or the Middle Corridor of the BRI.

Russia became the preferred route for Chinese freight carriers and cargo shippers due to fewer customs checks and lower costs, accounting for 68 percent of westbound traffic and 82 percent of eastbound traffic in 2021 between China and the European Union.

But with many large companies and shipping firms unable or unwilling to rely on transport through Russia due to sanctions, Moscow’s February invasion is changing that.

According to the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route Association, cargo shipments across Central Asia and the Caucasus are expected to reach 3.2 million metric tons in 2022, a sixfold increase over the previous year.

In addition to buy-ins from Chinese companies and the state, local governments along the route are moving to capitalize on the shift with a flurry of meetings, pledges, and formal agreements over the past few months between officials from Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Romania, and Turkey.

That trend looks set to continue over the summer, as well, with the Uzbek and Georgian foreign ministers inking a two-year cooperation pact on July 19 to improve and develop more transportation infrastructure to help move goods east and west on their way between China and Europe.

Why It Matters: As Andreea Brinza, vice president of the Romanian Institute for the Study of the Asia-Pacific, told me, the shift to the Middle Corridor highlights the fluid nature of the BRI and how quickly investment can materialize when it is motivated by necessity on the Chinese side.

But the shocks from the war are unlikely to stop there, and Beijing won’t be satisfied with only building up one alternative as it adapts away from relying heavily on shipping through Russia, Emil Avdaliani from the European University in Tbilisi and director of Middle East studies at the Georgian think tank Geocase told me.

“We are in the process of the BRI adapting to [big] changes, namely, [the] near total halt of transit through Russia,” he said. “Several interlinked developments have taken place that show [major] shifts in Eurasian connectivity patterns are [under way].”

Read More

● For another look at how the war in Ukraine is affecting the BRI and Chinese investment in Russia, read this investigation from April by my colleagues at RFE/RL’s Tatar-Bashkir Service.

● In a wide-ranging interview with Foreign Policy magazine, former U.S. National Security Council official Fiona Hill offered some interesting observations on the China-Russia relationship, including future dependence on Beijing, cooperation in disinformation, and whether China is reassessing its partnership with Moscow.

Expert Corner: Xi’s Victory Lap in Xinjiang

Readers asked: “Chinese President Xi Jinping recently made his first trip to Xinjiang in eight years. The last visit involved a military escort, and this time he was greeted by clapping crowds. What was the message of this trip and who was its audience?”

To find out more, I asked Bradley Jardine, a fellow at the Wilson Center’s Kissinger Institute on China and the United States:

“Xi’s unannounced visit to Xinjiang was designed to project an image of stability and progress both internationally and domestically. The central emphasis was on Xi's vision of a Han-centric national identity for the Chinese state -- a cornerstone of his domestic agenda. This nationalist policy has been pursued through brutal ‘harmonization’ campaigns involving mass surveillance, reeducation, and cultural desecration designed to Sinicize aspects of minority cultures and make them more consistent with Han aesthetics and values.

“The most obvious physical example of these policies is the destruction of mosques and attempts to make Islamic architecture conform with Han Chinese tradition. It is no coincidence that Xi Jinping chose to visit ancient Han Empire ruins in Xinjiang – echoing a propaganda talking point that the region has been part of Chinese state projects for at least 2,000 years. This was a move designed to show international audiences that the Communist Party is consolidating its grip on Xinjiang and that the region will remain under Beijing's control.”

Do you have a question about China’s growing footprint in Eurasia? Send it to me at StandishR@rferl.org or reply directly to this e-mail and I’ll get it answered by leading experts and policymakers.

Three More Stories From Eurasia

1. Montenegro’s Highway Opens At Last
After eight years of delays and controversy, the first 41-kilometer stretch of Montenegro’s Chinese-financed and built Bar-Boljare Highway opened on July 13, my colleague Slavica Brajovic from RFE/RL’s Balkan Service reported.

The Details: The highway was opened by a symbolic push of a button by Montenegro’s leading officials, with Prime Minister Dritan Abazovic saying that “Montenegro, through this project, together with the port of Bar, will be one of the important routes in the transit flows of the Balkans.”

Also speaking at the opening ceremony outside of the capital, Podgorica, was Hua Jafang, the chargé d'affaires at the Chinese Embassy in Montenegro, who called the project “a monumental success in the field of traffic infrastructure.”

The project was marred in scandal over the nearly $1 billion loan borrowed from the Export-Import Bank of China in 2014, which was widely seen as over-budget and contributed to the Balkan country’s soaring national debt, which it was unable to pay until refinancing thanks to several Western banks.

The state-owned China Road and Bridge Corporation built the highway but suffered multiple delays that pushed the project back.

While the ceremony marked the opening of the initial section of the road, the entire highway is supposed to total 163 kilometers and there are currently no plans or financing under way for the remaining portions.

2. Ukraine's Homegrown Response To Chinese Detection Tech
A team of volunteer Ukrainian drone operators working with the military told RFE/RL they’ve developed their own way to bypass a controversial piece of Chinese technology that they say Russian forces have been using to target Ukrainian soldiers.

What You Need To Know: AeroScope, the tech in question, is a surveillance system made by DJI, the preeminent Chinese drone producer, and is able to detect the flight path of other DJI-branded devices and pinpoint exactly where the drone’s operator is standing.

One member of Aerorozvidka, an organization of Ukrainian drone specialists working with the military, confirmed to RFE/RL that Russian troops have been using the system to find and kill Ukrainian operators during the war.

DJI says AeroScope was developed only to be used by law enforcement and, in response to reports of its use on the battlefield, the company suspended sales of its drones and other tech to both Russia and Ukraine in April.

But Aerorozvidka says AeroScope is still in use, so it has phased out DJI drones and has developed its own homegrown model that can circumvent the Chinese tech.

3. China, Russia, and An Anti-War Cartoon
The popular Russian-language cartoon Masyanya is trending on YouTube after a new episode satirized the Kremlin’s justification for its war in Ukraine by depicting China invading Russia in order to save it from fascism. You can watch Current Time’s video report on it here.

What It Means: Masyanya, which was created by Russian-Israeli artist Oleg Kuvaev, has a strong antiwar message and shows scenes of Russian cities ostensibly destroyed by Chinese bombs and tanks.

In an interview, Kuvaev -- who has been an outspoken critic of the war in Ukraine -- said he wanted to ridicule Moscow’s pretext for its invasion and use the episode to target people in Russia who support the war in order to undercut Kremlin propaganda about it.

“I don’t understand how [people] can be so stupid, so zombified, so distrustful of what they see, and unwilling to know,” he said. “Because if they wanted to know, they could [easily] find out.”

Kuvaev had published three episodes of the cartoon about the war and it has faced censorship inside Russia by the authorities. The most recent episode has already garnered more than 3 million views on YouTube.

Across The Supercontinent

Life After The Camps: Zhazira Asenqyzy was a well-known ethnic Kazakh poet, writer, and businesswoman in Xinjiang, but after being thrown into one of Xinjiang's notorious internment camps in 2017, she’s struggling to rebuild her life. My colleagues Nurtai Lakhanuly and Farangis Najibullah profile her in a recent article.

Xi Calling: China has invited German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez to Beijing to meet with Xi in November, the South China Morning Post reports.

According to the report, the proposed date would likely be right after the 20th party congress, expected to be held in October, and there’s no word yet if the invitation has been accepted.

Tapped Out: Gas exports to China from Kazakhstan’s Sarybulak field in the Zaisan basin have been suspended after regional authorities said the reserves have been depleted, Khadisha Akayeva from RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service reported.

Blocked: China is asking United Nations human rights chief Michelle Bachelet to bury a highly anticipated report on human rights violations in Xinjiang, according to a Chinese letter seen by Reuters.

Detained in Germany: Yilisen Aierken, an ethnic Kazakh asylum seeker from Xinjiang who fled Ukraine after Russia’s invasion, has been detained in Germany for illegally crossing a border, RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service reported.

I interviewed Aierken and stayed in contact with him back in early March as he fled Ukraine and applied for asylum in Poland. But he later left Poland and has been detained several times in other EU countries while his legal status remains uncertain.

One Thing To Watch

A worsening meltdown in China’s debt-laden property market is at the heart of a deepening economic problem for the country that several commentators have said is “giving off strong Lehman Brothers vibes,” in reference to the U.S. firm that helped trigger the 2008 financial crisis.

Earlier this month hundreds of depositors protested in front of the People’s Bank of China in Henan demanding access to their frozen life savings held in rural banks. The next day, tens of thousands of homeowners threatened to stop paying mortgages on scores of unfinished housing projects they had purchased.

China’s economy is facing a dangerous cocktail of stalling growth, high unemployment, spreading mortgage payment strikes, and continued lockdown over COVID-19 that could have serious social and political consequences for China’s leadership and its economy.

The property market is at the heart of the financial woes, with a toxic $300 billion debt pile unleashed by last year’s collapse of the giant developer Evergrande, which analysts say is slowly infecting the wider Chinese economy.

That’s all from me for now. Don’t forget to send me any questions, comments, or tips that you might have.

Until next time,

Reid Standish

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your in-box on the first and third Wednesdays of each month.

Trains loaded with containers at the Altynkol railway in Kazakhstan along its border with China, near Khorgos.  (file photo)
Trains loaded with containers at the Altynkol railway in Kazakhstan along its border with China, near Khorgos.  (file photo)

Moving shipping containers from China through Russia to the European Union became a vital part of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), but Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine and the Western sanctions that followed have forced China to search for alternatives.

Faced with the economic fallout of trade disruptions after five months of war, many freight forwarders that move Chinese goods are looking further south to move rail-cargo across Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Turkey to Europe despite long-standing logistical problems with the route.

“In order to survive, the BRI has no alternative but to adapt to the new circumstances.” Andreea Brinza, vice president of the Romanian Institute for the Study of the Asia-Pacific, told RFE/RL.

The main alternative is the roughly 6,500-kilometer network of roads, railroads, and ports stretching across Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, and into Europe known as the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR).

It's also known as the Middle Corridor of the BRI -- the globe-spanning infrastructure and investment project championed by Chinese President Xi Jinping.

The route has received billions of dollars in Chinese investment in infrastructure over the last decade but received a smaller share of shipments due to cost and predictability concerns. As a result, Russian trains -- which brought goods directly to Europe by rail or port, or entered via Belarus -- became the main path for Chinese-EU overland trade, making up 68 percent of westbound traffic and 82 percent of eastbound traffic in 2021.

But that changed sharply following the Kremlin’s February invasion of Ukraine.

According to the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route Association, cargo shipments across Central Asia and the Caucasus are expected to reach 3.2 million metric tons in 2022, a sixfold increase over the previous year. The route also received a boost in April when Maersk, one of the world’s largest shipping corporations, canceled new bookings through Russia and started a train service along the Middle Corridor, which was joined by the Finnish company Nurminen Logistics in May.

Since then, multiple governments along the route -- from Turkey to Romania to Azerbaijan to Georgia to Kazakhstan -- have met to discuss further investment and deepening cooperation, including a state visit to Ankara in May by Kazakh President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev, where he discussed the future of the route with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The refocus on shipments away from the Russian route also received the backing of many Chinese logistics companies, which had previously neglected the Middle Corridor as being unprofitable and vaguely defined.

“The combination of the preexisting interest [from governments along the route] and China’s limited options because of the war made the Middle Corridor possible,” Brinza said. “But [the] main driver of this route was China.”

Searching For Alternatives

The change marks a substantial and quick reversal of fortune for the TITR and opened up new possibilities for countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus.

The northern rail network through Russia was increasingly boosted by both Chinese and Russian officials as they deepened their ties, and it won over freight forwarders and cargo companies during the COVID-19 pandemic as an alternative to ocean transport because ports around the world closed or curtailed operations to try to stop the spread of the virus.

In 2018, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the state monopoly Russian Railways to substantially grow container traffic and -- prior to its invasion of Ukraine -- Moscow said it expected container flows to increase to 3.6 million boxes by 2035.

During that span, Beijing worked hard to subsidize, promote, and make profitable those railway lines and the efforts led to a 50 percent increase in cargo transported in 2020, a marked improvement from only a few years previously when trains mostly ran empty on the eastward route back to China.

As transit across Eurasia grew, the northern shipping route through Russia was boasted about as a BRI success story, with Chinese officials saying that it “provided continental supply chain stability.”

Containers and cargo vessels at the Qingdao port in China’s Shandong Province in May.
Containers and cargo vessels at the Qingdao port in China’s Shandong Province in May.

But with many large companies and shipping firms unable or unwilling to rely on transport through Russia, a substantial hole has been created and many governments are trying to capitalize by filling it.

Kazakhstan has announced plans to invest more into its ports along the Caspian Sea and its state-run railway operator Kazakhstan Temir Zholy reported that terminals along its western coast have already doubled their shipping volume.

Chinese officials have also moved to simplify transport, with Wang Lingjun, deputy minister of China’s General Administration of Customs, saying on May 25 that Beijing is improving its customs procedures at the Alashankou and Khorgos land ports on its border with Kazakhstan that would lead to increased volumes of goods being sent by rail.

Adapting To The Future

While the Middle Corridor is experiencing a boom because of the war in Ukraine, its future viability is far from guaranteed, says Emil Avdaliani, the director of Middle East studies at the Georgian think tank Geocase and a professor at the European University in Tbilisi.

Concerns largely stem from higher costs and more complicated logistics on the southerly route. While critical infrastructure is in place, some of which is the result of BRI projects, the geography of the Middle Corridor -- which consists of sea and land lines -- is more complex.

“The Middle Corridor also lacks infrastructure in the Caspian Sea for easier transit from Central Asian ports to Azerbaijan. Similar troubles beset the Georgian side of the Black Sea, especially since there is no deep-sea port,” Avdaliani said.

People walk by a display board showcasing China's construction projects at the media center of the Belt and Road Initiative in Beijing. (file photo)
People walk by a display board showcasing China's construction projects at the media center of the Belt and Road Initiative in Beijing. (file photo)

The construction of a deep-water port in Anaklia was embroiled in Georgia’s tumultuous domestic politics and the project was canceled by the government over concerns about financing. But Georgian Deputy Prime Minister Levan Davitashvili said in April that the venture has received new investor interest, even though its construction would still take years.

Avdaliani says domestic political concerns in many of the countries along the Middle Corridor are part of what propelled the Russian line to take on the majority of the overland freight shipments and that Beijing is unlikely to be satisfied relying on one route again. He says China may instead be looking to diversify and build up as many alternative lines as possible in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine.

A renewed push from Tashkent and Bishkek has led to progress on the long-delayed China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway project and all three parties said they hoped for construction to begin next year, which could help provide more alternatives and even be linked to countries further south, such as Turkmenistan and Iran.

“We often tend to portray the BRI as a static initiative, but [like] all trade routes throughout history, the BRI is fluid and is adapting to [new] challenges and opportunities,” Avdaliani says. “Closed borders require finding new routes and this is what is happening at the moment.”

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About The Newsletter

In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

Subscribe to this weekly dispatch in which correspondent Reid Standish builds on the local reporting from RFE/RL’s journalists across Eurasia to give you unique insights into Beijing’s ambitions and challenges.

To subscribe, click here.

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